George Okezie Nkere

Department of Urban and Regional Planning University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Abstract

The emergence and evolution of the township of Alexandra in Johannesburg, South Africa, is a significant chapter in the urban history of the region. As a distinctive mixed settlement, it represents the complexities and challenges associated with the development of urban spaces in a segregated society. This paper explores the origins and development of Alexandra and examines the historical background of the township and how it has transformed over time. It investigates the historical, social,

economic, and cultural factors that have shaped this vibrant

community. By analysing its early formation, urban planning, and subsequent changes, this study aims to understand the dynamics that contribute to its growth, transformation, and challenges. The growth of Alexandra as a mixed settlement has outpaced government attempts to improve infrastructure, provide sufficient housing and services, and mitigate disasters and vulnerabilities. A multidisciplinary approach, combining archival research, interviews, and spatial analysis, offers a comprehensive examination of the complexities surrounding this settlement. The findings provide insight into the difficulties and opportunities that can inform future policies and interventions aimed at addressing the challenges faced by Alexandra and promoting sustainable development. A fundamentally new strategy is imperative.

Keywords: Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, mixed settlement, emergence, evolution, development.

Introduction

The emergence and evolution of the township of Alexandra in Johannesburg, South Africa, is a significant chapter in the urban history of the region (De Satgé & Watson, 2018). As a distinctive mixed settlement, it represents the difficulties and challenges associated with the development of urban spaces in a segregated society (Cirota, 2017). Alexandra exists in a precarious grey area; balancing eviction, devastation, and death on one side, and legality, safety, and full participation on the other (Yiftachel, 2009). Typically, Alexandra exists outside the

administrative boundaries where basic services can be readily

provided (Myers, 2021). Paradoxically, despite being part of the urban system, these emerging settlements in South African cities experience marginalisation and detachment from the

formal metropolis, which contributes to socio-spatial isolation

and economic inequalities, contrary to the goals of creating an inclusive and liveable city (Matamanda, 2020). The problem

of the “development of a mixed settlement” revolves around

understanding the complex historical, social, and economic dynamics that have shaped the development of Alexandra.

Studies conducted in the past on informal urbanism in Johannesburg, South Africa, have tended to focus more on efforts to upgrade informal settlements (Cirolia et al., 2017; Delius, 2019) without examining their emergence and evolution. This study explored the development of Alexandra as a mixed settlement type in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of its historical, social, economic, and cultural dimensions. By examining the factors that have influenced its growth and transformation, this paper seeks to shed light on the challenges and opportunities faced by this vibrant community. Conducting a historical study of Alexandra as a mixed settlement type is essential because it offers a multifaceted view of urban development in a segregated society, provides valuable lessons for urban planning, and respects the community’s history and experiences. This research can contribute to more inclusive and sustainable urban development in South Africa and serve as a valuable reference for similar contexts worldwide.

Emergence and Evolution Concept of a Mixed Settlement Development

The emergence and development of a mixed settlement involve the development of areas where different types of land uses and residential groups co-exist. This process typically unfolds over time, and is influenced by various social, economic, and political factors.

Methodology and Approach

This study examined the historical development and growth of the Alexandra township in Johannesburg, South Africa, using a multidisciplinary approach. Conducted between

June 2023 and December 2023, the research focused on the

township’s historical development and growth. The settlement

was chosen due to its proximity to the city and its historical

significance during the apartheid era as one of the oldest townships in Johannesburg and South Africa. The research methodology involved collecting and examining historical records, documents, and various sources to reconstruct the past.

Quantitative surveys were conducted with 40 households, and

interviews were held with long-time residents and community leaders who have witnessed or were involved in the township’s development. Data were gathered on community perceptions, needs, and preferences related to past development initiatives. A focus group was conducted with eight to 10 participants to validate the findings and gather additional insights. These personal accounts provided unique insights, memories, and perspectives that enriched the historical narrative. The research methodology ensured the validity and reliability of the results.

Findings and Discussions

The historical analysis revealed that Alexandra emerged as a result of various socio-political and economic factors, including urban segregation policies, labour migration, and forced removals during apartheid-era South Africa. Its establishment in the early 20th century was characterised by overcrowding, inadequate infrastructure, and limited access to basic services,

which reflect the systemic inequalities of the time.

Over time, Alexandra has evolved into a vibrant community marked by resilience, solidarity, and cultural diversity. Despite facing numerous challenges, residents have developed strong social networks, grassroots organisations, and communal spaces that foster a sense of belonging and collective identity. These social dynamics have played a crucial role in shaping the township’s identity and resilience in the face of adversity.

The economic analysis revealed a complex landscape in Alexandra, which encompasses both formal and informal sectors. While formal employment opportunities are limited, the township has become a hub of informal economic activity, with small businesses, street vendors, and informal markets thriving amidst the challenges of poverty and unemployment. The entrepreneurial spirit and resourcefulness of residents have contributed to the resilience of the local economy.

Cultural factors play a significant role in shaping the identity and cohesion of Alexandra. The township is home to a diverse population that represents various ethnicities, languages, and cultural traditions. Despite this diversity, residents have developed a shared sense of community identity that is rooted in a common history of struggle and resilience. Cultural events, traditions, and expressions serve as important markers of identity and pride in the township.

Urban planning and development in Alexandra have been

characterised by a lack of investment, inadequate infrastructure,

and the growth of informal settlements. Decades of neglect and underdevelopment have led to overcrowded living conditions, insufficient sanitation, and limited access to basic services such as water and electricity. The spatial organisation of the township reflects historical patterns of segregation and inequality, with informal settlements and formal housing developments existing side by side.

Lessons Learned and Recommendations

The findings highlight the need for holistic and inclusive

approaches to urban development in mixed settlements

such as Alexandra. Investment in basic infrastructure, housing, healthcare, education, and economic opportunities is essential to improving the quality of life for residents and fostering sustainable development. Furthermore, community

participation, social cohesion, and cultural preservation should be central to any development initiatives to ensure that the unique identity and resilience of the township are preserved

and celebrated.

This study underscores the complex interplay of historical, social, economic, and cultural factors that shaped the emergence and evolution of Alexandra. By understanding these dynamics and drawing lessons from the township’s experiences, policymakers, urban planners, and community stakeholders can collaborate to build inclusive, resilient, and sustainable communities that promote social justice and equitable development.

Conclusion

The research conducted on the emergence and evolution of Alexandra in Johannesburg, a mixed settlement type, has shed light on its historical, social, economic, and cultural dimensions. The findings highlight the challenges faced by the township, including poverty, crime, inadequate infrastructure, and governance issues. However, they also reveal the efforts

made towards transformation and sustainable development,

such as upgrading and redevelopment initiatives, community empowerment, preservation of cultural heritage, and the achievement of urban resilience and sustainability. The significance of addressing the unique needs and characteristics of mixed settlements such as Alexandra cannot be overstated. The township’s historical background, influenced by

colonialism, urbanisation, and apartheid policies, has shaped

its development and created distinct challenges that require tailored solutions. The paper underscores the importance of understanding the social dynamics, cultural heritage, and

economic activities in the township, as well as the role of

community empowerment and participation in fostering sustainable development.

The implications of this research extend beyond Alexandra. It serves as a valuable case study for policymakers, urban planners, and researchers who are interested in understanding and addressing the challenges faced by mixed settlements in other urban contexts. The findings highlight the need for comprehensive strategies that integrate economic development, social empowerment, environmental sustainability, and cultural preservation. Future research should focus on evaluating the long-term impacts of the initiatives implemented in Alexandra and assessing their effectiveness in addressing the identified challenges, and identifying areas for improvement. Further investigation into the dynamics of community empowerment, cultural preservation, and sustainable urban development in mixed settlements will contribute to the knowledge base and inform policy decisions.

By understanding the historical, social, economic, and cultural dimensions, policymakers and stakeholders can design targeted interventions that promote inclusive development, enhance quality of life, and empower the community. The findings and implications of this research pave the way for future endeavours to create sustainable, resilient, and vibrant mixed settlements that embrace their cultural heritage and meet the needs of their diverse populations.

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Adopting a Systematic Literature

Review of the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act, No. 32 of 2000

The Local Government: Municipal Systems Act was administered and adopted in 2000 (RSA, 2000). The objective

of the Act is to provide the core principles, mechanisms, and processes necessary to enable municipalities to move

progressively towards the social and economic upliftment of local communities (RSA, 2000). The Act promotes community

participation in Sections 16(1)(i-v) and 42, as well as the

drafting of an IDP as stipulated in Section 23(1)(a)(b)(c).

Municipal councils adopt the IDP in accordance with Section

25(1)(a)(b)(c)(d)(e) of the Act (RSA, 2000). This Act plays a significant role in the study as it encourages community involvement in identifying challenges related to infrastructure assets, such as burst pipes that require maintenance. Section 4(2)(d) of the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act states that local government must ensure the provision of services to communities in a financially and environmentally sustainable manner (RSA, 2000). The Local Government: Municipal Systems Act encourages municipalities to apply sound asset management

principles and systems to enable them to achieve sustainable

financial provision for basic services (RSA, 2000). Section 73(2) (a)(b)(c)(d)(e) of the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act

stipulates that the provision of basic municipal services should

consider the need for prudent, efficient, and effective use of available resources, as well as the requirements for financial and environmental sustainability (RSA, 2000).

Kiara Lawrence

Department of Urban and Regional Planning University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Trynos Gumbo

Department of Urban and Regional Planning University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Zaakirah Jeeva

Post Doctoral Fellow Unit of Environmental

Science and Management

University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Abstract

For the past few decades, cities around the world have

sprawled, and citizens have become increasingly reliant on motorised transport to access services. This has led to severe traffic congestion and increased greenhouse gas emissions.

In recent years, there has been a drive to create cities that

are less dependent on motorised transport. Consequently, non-motorised transport (NMT), such as walking, running, and cycling, is considered one of the more desirable forms of

transport due to its various environmental, social, and health

benefits. Since the majority of trips begin and end with NMT, improving NMT will also enhance motorised transport.

This research study adopted a case study research design and analysed literature on the integration of NMT and public transport in six cities: Singapore, Shanghai, Lagos, Jakarta, Johannesburg, and Cape Town. Data were collected through Google Scholar and the Web of Science and presented in the form of a literature review and a table summarising the lessons learned from each city. The study found that NMT provision boosts the use of public transport and vice versa. Government policies, plans, and regulations need to be established to control the use of dockless bikes. Safety measures, good infrastructure, and maintenance of NMT lanes are imperative for increased usage by users. Integration tools, such as smart payments, can seamlessly link NMT and public transport use to further encourage the utilisation of both. By analysing the six cases, the lessons learned can be applied to future planning and development regarding NMT and public transport integration.

Keywords: Non-motorised transport, public transport, policy,

walking, cycling.

Introduction

For the past few decades, cities around the world have

undergone swift and imbalanced development of transport

systems that are extremely reliant on motorised transport

(Gumbo & Moyo, 2022). This has led to severe traffic congestion and increased emissions of greenhouse gases (Moody, 2012,

p. 1). Studies have shown that the transport sector emits more greenhouse gases than any other sector. In response, the transport sector has been realigned with new policies and guidelines aimed at remedying this situation. Most of these

“solutions” have focused on mass transit systems, which commonly involve trains, buses, and minibus taxis, as well as rail-based Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) and Bus Rapid Transit

(BRT) that fall under public transport (Gumbo et al. 2022).

However, a “historical” yet environmentally sustainable and

cost-effective method of transport exists in the form of nonmotorised transport (NMT). NMT is regarded as one of the more

desirable forms of transport due to its various environmental

and health benefits. Traditionally, NMT was viewed and used independently of motorised transport (Rahman, 2013, pp. 1-2).

Faster, newer modes of transport usually replace older, slower ones. This has led to reduced investment in walking and cycling, as they are considered relatively slow modes of transport. However, despite their slower pace, walking and cycling are still equally important. NMT improves the overall health of users, as it is a simple form of exercise (United Nations Centre for Regional Development, 2018, pp. 23-24). Walking is the most affordable form of NMT, as it is free; cycling, while requiring an initial investment, pays off in the long run as it is faster and requires less effort than walking (Götschi et al., 2016, pp. 1-2). Physically, socially, and economically disadvantaged people often rely on NMT to travel between Point A and Point B, typically to and from work. Improving NMT will therefore help to achieve social equity (Risimati et al., 2021). A significant amount of time, money, and planning goes into enhancing motorised transport; the fact that the majority of trips start and end with NMT means that improving NMT will also enhance motorised transport. Walking and cycling serve as recreational activities for users; promoting NMT therefore fosters a better lifestyle for all (Litman, 2017, p. 2).

This paper begins by reviewing literature on NMT, walkability, public transport, and transport as a whole. It then analyses six different case studies regarding their relationship with NMT and the application and integration of public transport. The paper concludes by summarising the various shortcomings and successes of each case study in a table that highlights the lessons learned.

Objectives

This study sought to:

The concept of walkability is significant when assessing the feasibility of travelling on foot. Walkability encompasses three components, namely density, mix, and access (Dovey & Pafka, 2019, pp. 96-101). Density is integral to walkability; a higher

concentration of people in a certain area means that more

facilities and services will be available within walking distance, which makes walking more feasible. Mixed land uses improve access by providing a variety of functions in an area, thereby shortening the distance between destinations. Urban planning studies have shown that mono-functional land zones hinder these close connections, which makes walkability challenging. Access networks refer to pedestrian flow, whether accelerated or slowed down. The concepts of “small blocks” and “pools

of use”, now referred to as pedestrian permeability and

catchments, describe zones within walking distance based on both distance and time (Dovey & Pafka, 2019, pp. 96-101).

Figure 1: The Urban DMA (Density, Mix, and Walkability) and

Actual Walking. Source: Dovey and Pafka (2019)

Transport is and has been a challenge in urban development, and poses many issues for planning. Urban development in most developing cities depends on motorised transport, which is given priority, while very little to no space on road reserves is allocated for the provision of NMT and its users. Motorised transport comes with many consequences, such as high

resource consumption (fuel and materials to mass-produce

these vehicles) and pollution in the form of greenhouse gases. Solutions to lessen the burden of heavy traffic on roads include reducing the total number of trips, which can be achieved through the provision of a more mixed land use neighbourhood. The other two methods are making public transport safer and more affordable, and promoting NMT (Selala & Musakwa, 2016, p. 587).

Almost all urban motorised trips (both private and public)

are multi-modal, which means that some walking is involved to

and from the “main” mode of transport, which is usually public

transport or private vehicles. The distinction is that the walking involved in trips to and from private vehicles is often negligible, as it costs nothing and is very short due to the ample parking available close to users’ desired destinations. This is why the majority of private motorised vehicle users continue to rely on private motorised transport (Ortegon-Sanchez & Hernandez, 2016, pp. 3-4).

NMT can be particularly useful for short trips, as it has a considerably lower environmental impact (Ortegon-Sanchez & Hernandez, 2016, pp. 3-4). NMT includes any form of transport that is not motorised, such as walking, cycling, skating, and animal-drawn transport (Selala & Musakwa, 2016, pp. 587588). NMT also allows users to choose workable times and routes that suit their needs.

Methodology

The study adopted a case study analysis research design and investigated several cases based on the desired criteria. This study falls within a qualitative research approach. Secondary data were utilised in the form of books, journal articles, and conference papers. The data were analysed and presented as a literature review. The sources were identified using the keywords “non-motorised transport” / “non-motorized transport” and “public transport”. The data for the different case studies – Singapore, Shanghai, Lagos, Jakarta, Cape Town, and Johannesburg – were also sourced from various journal articles, conference papers, and other publications. All keywords

for both the literature review and the case studies were sourced

through Google Scholar and the Web of Science. The data were

analysed in terms of the relationship to NMT and subsequently

to public transport. The findings are presented in the form of

a literature review and a table that summarises the lessons

learned from each case study.

Results and Discussion

This section examines six case studies that focus on the

relationship between NMT and public transport. Two case studies (Singapore and Shanghai) analyse developed countries, while two others (Lagos and Jakarta) explore developing countries. Additionally, two case studies (Johannesburg and Cape Town) investigate NMT and BRT systems in South Africa. Each case study presents distinct experiences and challenges associated with integrating NMT and public transport to enhance user experience in terms of affordability, safety, infrastructure, accessibility, and the legislative frameworks that regulate both NMT and public transport.

Singapore

Singapore’s Land Transport Authority is going to implement a

widespread network of cycle paths to promote a healthier and

more sustainable mode of transport. This will be rolled out in selected Housing and Development Board areas to encourage cycling and walking. These pathways will connect MRT stations,

bus stations, schools, shops, and other key locations (Zhou et

al., 2020, p. 2).

Dockless bike-sharing (see Figure 2) in Singapore features stations that facilitate an integrated smartphone app that allows users to scan a QR code for payment. Global Positioning System (GPS) sensors are implanted in the bikes to track and manage

them, which provides scholars and researchers with access

to ridership data. A study conducted with over 10 000 bikes and 1.5 million observations during a nine-day period found

that an increase in the introduction of new bikes lowered the

number of trips. Higher density and mixed land use in the built environment increased the use of dockless bikes. Improved infrastructure and support systems also encourage bike usage; however, rainfall and hot weather conditions negatively affect the amount of bike users (Shen et al., 2018, p. 695).

Figure 2: Dockless Bike-Sharing in Singapore. Source: Abdullah (2018)

The study found high bike usage around MRT stations and bus

stops, which implies that dockless bikes are frequently used for

last-mile trips. Singapore aims to integrate dockless bikes with public transport through smart payment systems. This has great

potential to increase not only dockless bike trips but also to

decrease public transport usage (Shen et al., 2018, p. 695).

Lessons Learned

All the case studies have both shortfalls and successes. Table 1

lists the lessons learned from each case study, which other cities

looking to implement NMT within a public transport realm can take into account.

Table 1: Lessons Learned

It is evident that each case study has distinct lessons that cities

around the world can learn from. One main point that clearly stands out is that improvements in NMT increase the usage of public transport and vice versa.

Conclusions and Recommendations

The evidence suggests that NMT has a positive impact on all cities. However, when left to private companies, there can be an oversupply of equipment required for NMT. For example, Shanghai experienced an oversupply of bikes that not only

overcrowded sidewalks but also led to the closure of many

bike companies. When governments intervene and implement policies, they assist in regulating and ensuring the smooth operation of bike use.

Singapore focuses on trip integration; NMT leads to public transport and other important nodes. The city aims to strengthen the integration of NMT and public transport through the use of smart payments to make the process seamless. Lagos has implemented various plans concerning the BRT, but when it comes to NMT planning, it falls short, with pedestrians and cyclists having to share road space with motor vehicles, which is not only unsafe but inefficient as well.

Jakarta successfully transitioned to cycle transport as

infrastructure and plans supporting NMT were implemented just as the COVID-19 pandemic struck, which made it easier and safer for people to travel via NMT. The NMT in Jakarta also increased the use of the BRT system.

Cape Town introduced NMT along BRT routes to improve transport integration for users; however, no traffic-calming

measures were implemented to reduce speed and enhance user

comfort on the BRT.

In Johannesburg, while NMT is helpful for accessing the

BRT, users require additional modes of transport from their

homes to the NMT. Many users do not feel safe using the NMT,

but the community is involved in its maintenance and upkeep,

and users believe that they save money by using it. More projects integrating NMT and public transport systems need to

be carried out in cities worldwide; however, future initiatives must take into account the lessons learned from various

case studies.

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Resilience, Spatiality, and the

Andrew Chigudu

Department of Rural and Urban Planning University of Zimbabwe Harare, Zimbabwe

Abstract

This paper seeks to unravel the effects of tourism across the world, with specific reference to spatial planning. The tourism sector and spatial planning are two distinct entities, with spatial planning being a major aspect of urban planning and tourism functioning as an industry under its governing ministry.

However, these discrete sectors often collide, as tourism is

directly and indirectly affected by spatial planning. The synergy between tourism and spatial planning cannot be denied.

Tourism is inherently a spatial issue, yet its disconnection

from urban planning is increasingly becoming problematic. For years, spatial planning and tourism have been treated as two separate disciplines, despite their significant interrelation. Tourism activities occur in specific spaces or localities, which indicates their spatial character. There is an untapped gap in understanding the nexus that exists between tourism and spatial planning. The focus of this paper is therefore to clearly articulate that tourism is a spatial issue that needs to be integrated with urban planning. Data were obtained from document reviews and analyses of secondary data. The paper reveals that there

is little to no substantial literature that indicates that tourism

is a spatial issue. Case study areas were selected randomly. The significance of the spatiality of tourism, particularly its relationship to places and their meanings for people, has been recognised in the past decade. Due to this relationship, there are

overlaps of interest between tourism development and policy

and spatial planning, which led to the emergence of systematic literature. As a result, it is imperative to examine tourism resilience through a planning lens. The study determines how spatial planning and tourism can be integrated and fused to promote sustainable tourism development. It recommends the best ways to adopt technologies to achieve sustainable and resilient smart cities that attract both local and foreign tourists.

Keywords: Tourism development, resilience, spatial planning, sustainable tourism, economy.

Introduction

It has become evident that the increase and expansion of the

tourism industry highlight the importance of spatiality in tourism. The growth of tourism worldwide has had significant effects on the economy, including impacts on cultural identity and the physical environment. Managing tourism growth is a pressing issue that must be prioritised in the coming years. This can be achieved by recognising tourism as a spatial entity. On a global level, it is essential to manage the spatiality and resilience of tourism by establishing a relationship between tourism and urban planning. The aim of this paper is to present the importance of spatiality in tourism planning. There is a need to consider tourism spatial planning, as it is becoming increasingly prominent in discussions and strategies to expand tourism at both regional and international levels (Lugonja et al., 2017). The role of spatial planning is to promote territorial cohesion through more balanced economic and social development of tourism regions.

Spatial relations are vital as tourism locations are a subject of spatial planning. Spatial planning is a tool for organising tourism activities to facilitate the integration of this sector with other sectors and areas in a locality or region (United Nations [UN], 2008, 2014; Dear & Scott, 2018). The processes of regionalisation and globalisation beyond national boundaries have also influenced the role of spatial planning. Mukoroverwa and Chiutsi (2018) state that spatial planning achieves its environmental, social, and economic aims by securing community benefits from development through promoting the prudent use of land and natural resources. The methods employed are largely public initiatives that aim to influence the future distribution of activities in space. The role of spatial planning is therefore to promote sustainable development and to improve the quality of life (Dede & Ayten, 2012; Chigudu & Chavunduka, 2021). In terms of tourism planning, spatial planning involves the organisation of land use and spatial

relations to achieve balanced development and environmental

protection in order to meet socio-economic objectives.

Globally, there are specific planning systems, and spatial planning is divided into national and transnational planning, urban planning, and regional planning (UN, 2008). Spatial planning plays an important role in the development of the tourism sector and other sectors. It is therefore vital to understand the significance of planning to tourism growth. In the absence of planning efforts, adverse impacts related to tourism may arise, as it is a complex activity that encompasses various sectors of the economy and dynamic social interaction processes. The literature suggests that tourism is heavily based on private sector entrepreneurship, which means that spatial planning serves as an intervention mechanism for the evolution and development of tourism for environmental and public benefit (Dunets, 2007; Zhou, 2018). This paper provides an overview and background on the spatiality and planning of tourism and presents a conceptual framework on the related issues that underpin spatial planning and tourism.

Methodology

Data were obtained from secondary sources through a literature and document review. Journals, books, papers, and government

publications constituted the literature reviewed for this

study. Regarding the document review, reference is made to publications, reports, Internet resources, and policy documents. The obtained data were analysed using content analysis. The

literature was reviewed, and the results are presented based

on the findings. The article also presents conclusions and recommendations on how best to integrate tourism planning into spatial and urban planning.

Background to Spatial Planning and Tourism

Globally, tourism has become a significant industry with high potential, and the trend seems to continue (Polyakova et al., 2018). It has increased cultural interaction between countries and cities while making substantial contributions to their respective economies. Rogerson (2015) points out that there has been widespread growth in informal markets, traffic volume,

and small businesses, which altered the traditionally mono-

functionally zoned urban form. This change has manifested through a myriad of factors, including denser space utilisation, mixed-use patterns, and the encroachment of traffic into public spaces. Historically, most Southern African cities were

established by European colonialists, and their development

was guided by “modernist town planning” principles, which emphasised functionality, efficiency, and the representation of public interest by the state (Putra, 2019).

Chirisa and Dumba (2012) argue that the planning framework in precolonial Zimbabwe was primarily designed to serve the selfish and capitalist interests of the settler community, maximising the productive capacity of space utilisation at the expense of local communities, which did not necessarily represent the public interest. This gap is still felt today, as the planning system struggles to cope with the manifestations of rapid urbanisation. According to the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat, 2009), there is growing international and local concern that planning practices and frameworks that are reactive, strategic, and communicative may fail to address rapid change and might also fail to meet the universally accepted development goals for cities, which are guided by principles of sustainability, inclusivity, productivity, and good governance (Berrisford, 2013; Boraine et al., 2006). Furthermore, criticisms have been directed at the planning system in Zimbabwe, which highlight that the use of outdated data-collection and -analysis techniques, as well as outdated maps, rendered the planning process time-consuming. Urban developments are occurring unabated during the lengthy period of plan preparation, which defeats the purpose of the entire exercise.

Spatial planning should introduce new planning perspectives and practices to address developments. Global challenges such as energy supply, climate change, demographic changes, and globalisation increasingly impact societal development. The effects of globalisation processes are often seen as producing disjointed communities that are detached from space and place, while global capital movements typically intensify local place-making activities (Mukoroverwa & Chiutsi, 2018; Zhou, 2018). Spatial planning must therefore implement new practices to address regional development. This approach is effective for area-based policies, where spatial planning must enhance governance strategies to reconcile diverse and evolving demands for space. It requires integration and coordination across scales, sectors, timeframes, and administrative levels that lead to changes in land use practices. All these adjustments depend on the resilience of the spatial planning system, which encompasses the planning framework.

Resilience is rapidly gaining traction in the urban sustainability literature. The frequency of recent incidents, including natural disasters such as tsunamis, earthquakes, and hurricanes, as well as challenges posed by economic downturns, has underscored the vulnerability of human settlements. This makes the careful consideration of resilience in planning for the future of urban areas vitally significance (Lew, 2013). Given the current developments in cities, an assessment framework for evaluating the resilience of urban areas can effectively incorporate resilience-related issues into the urban planning process, where spatial planning for tourism cannot be isolated.

Theoretical Framework

Resilience planning has emerged in recent years as an alternative to the sustainable development paradigm, offering

a new perspective on community development and socio

ecological adjustments in a rapidly changing world. The

literature has been somewhat slow to adopt recent conceptual

ideas related to community resilience. Most research on resilience focuses on major disasters and crises (Mehmood, 2016). The new frameworks that encompass slow-changing variables provide a more comprehensive view of resilience. The theoretical perspective surrounding social resilience is centred on the evolution of the concept in biological disciplines. However, there has been a shift from a purely biological

perspective to other theoretical frameworks, such as social,

economic, and environmental resilience. Mehmood (2016) argues that the resilience of a place is not only associated with

its level of vulnerability to security or environmental factors,

but also involves understanding the capacity of society to adapt to change.

Resilience has been associated with the formulation of immediate responses and reactions to crisis incidents such as floods, earthquakes, and other disasters; however, it should also consider long-term adaptation and mitigation strategies that address economic, environmental, and social challenges (Mehmood, 2016). The changes taking place in cities can be attributed to economic, social, political, and environmental shifts, as well as technological advancements. Various theories and models help to explain the concept of resilience, including postmodern theory, the resilient city transition model, and the panarchy model of adaptive cycle and scale. This section focuses on these theoretical perspectives of resilience and spatial planning for tourism. These theories all examine unpredictable outcomes and allow for a departure from conventional planning methods that rely solely on existing systems.

Conceptual Framework

Spatial planning helps to avoid the duplication of efforts by actors such as government departments, commercial developers, communities, and individuals. It is a public sector activity at all

levels; a clear distribution of responsibilities is therefore needed

between the different levels of administration. Nationally, the government is responsible for the development of a framework of policies that guide and initiate the decision-making process by setting the conditions for the operation of effective planning at local and regional levels (Dede & Ayten, 2012; Chigudu, 2021). Issues related to the establishment of effective frameworks, legislation, and coordination with other sectors and between cities in the country, as well as the monitoring of the implementation of guidelines and principles at regional and local levels, and the identification of bottlenecks in planning and implementation, are significant in spatial planning.

Figure 1: Conceptual Framework. Source: Dede and Ayten (2012)

Local-level spatial planning takes into account policies formulated at both the national and regional levels. Local plans are particularly important because they involve and affect the end users. The impacts associated with tourism planning mainly affect local users. Local governments should prepare regulatory planning instruments, establish priorities for action,

facilitate the development of local spatial plans, coordinate

planning with neighbourhood authorities, engage with the community using participatory planning techniques, take proactive measures to encourage development, and monitor the implementation of policies and proposals (Rezaee & Charrahi, 2020). This can be achieved by adhering to specific planning legislation. Participation is vital in the development of areas, especially when planning for tourism. Tourist attractions have significant implications for the local area, which can be both positive and negative. Risteski et al. (2012) postulate that

when development is embraced by the users, it receives their

blessing, and the support from the community contributes to the project’s success.

Of late, a number of countries have made fundamental reforms to their planning laws to enable changes in the operation of their planning systems. However, not every country has managed to cope with the pace of spatial development. While legislation may exist, it is often no longer relevant. It is therefore not usually a lack of legislation that is the issue, but rather that reform in planning has not been given high priority. Rezaee and Charrahi (2020) argue that effective spatial development may not have been implemented at all levels, resulting in a lack of a legal basis to facilitate the planning process. Sectoral interests are significant in ensuring consistency in the decision-making process in spatial planning. In cases where planning reform has taken place, it generally aims to shift the focus from physical land use regulation to an integrative spatial planning approach. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed several loopholes in spatial planning, especially in the tourism sector. Tourism operators were trying to adapt to the “new normal”, and what was observed was the increased use of sanitisers and thermometers for temperature checks. The future of tourism during this pandemic was at risk, as places designed and planned to accommodate large numbers were being discouraged. This raises questions about the role of spatial planning in tourism during disaster risk occurrences.

In addition, clear legislation, funding policies, and improved organisational infrastructure are critical, as experience has shown that these issues are often more complex to resolve than technical challenges. Developing these plans requires high-level support to ensure the effectiveness of the policies when implemented and regulated at the local level. The engagement and participation of stakeholders are essential. For the planning process to be more socially inclusive, it is often necessary to redress the balance of public involvement to hear the views of groups and individuals that have been traditionally under-represented.

Sustainable Development and Resilience Planning

Resilience planning has emerged in recent years as an alternative to the sustainable development paradigm. It offers

new perspectives on community development and socio-

ecological adjustments to a rapidly changing world. The difference between sustainability and resilience is noted by the fact that sustainability prevents or mitigates change by maintaining resources above a normative safe level, while resilience adapts to changes by building capacity to return to a desired state following both anticipated and unanticipated disruptions. The field of tourism has been somewhat slow to adopt recent conceptual ideas related to community resilience. Furthermore, in tourism, the concept of resilience has largely

focused on economic resilience, rather than on cultural,

institutional, or infrastructure resilience. Most tourism-related

resilience research has concentrated on case studies rather than

advancing theoretical constructs.

In addition, due to the seeming irrevocability of environmental and social change, resilience planning has recently emerged as a more effective approach to community planning and development than the sustainability paradigm. The tourism sector cannot function without considering the aspects of sustainability and resilience. Spatial planning should yield sustainable developments, and these should be resilient. Adaptation and adoption define the responses that occur when changes take place in cities. Some cities are prone to disasters, and when such events occur, they often destroy infrastructure. This results in an uneven distribution of development across tourism sectors. The ability to devise strategies to address this uneven distribution reflects the level of resilience that an area possesses. Laws, regulations, and policies should not be rigid; they should respond to the changes that occur in cities. The developments taking place in cities should align with the policies and standards in place; updating these policies is therefore critical.

Results

The resilience and development of tourism are influenced by spatial planning, even though tourism is a standalone industry and spatial planning falls within the rural and urban planning frameworks. Conflicts often arise when the planning frameworks and policies clash with the tourism sector. For instance, there has been a proposed planning framework between Zimbabwe and Zambia, which seeks to build infrastructure (a golf course, lodges, and a hydroelectric dam) along the mighty Victoria Falls. As noble as this endeavour may sound, the World Heritage

Outlook, in its online publication dated 1 December 2020, states

that the UN, through the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), which awarded Victoria Falls its World Heritage status, advises that this title could be revoked due to excessive human interference if the project were to commence (Chigudu, 2021).

The tourism sector is primarily governed by the Tourism Act, but there is no national spatial planning legislation to regulate the spatial aspects of the tourism industry. Tanzania has made strides in creating a clearer pathway for a land use policy that facilitates spatial planning. This has enabled the expansion of tourism along its rich coasts while also allowing people to live in coastal areas and generate income through farming (Tanzania Coastal Management Partnerships). In developing nations such as Zambia, the planning system is still influenced by the former colonial era. The continued renewal of planning systems, in consultation with the tourism sector, is therefore vital in order to foster resilience in tourism. It is essential to identify, analyse, and consider factors in tourism planning, as this is the most important task for ensuring sustainable tourism development. For instance, Zambia inherited a dual spatial structure known as the two-tier system, created by the British. Many of the challenges the country faces have their origins in a century of British domination. According to Chirisa and Dumba (2012), Zimbabwe was under British colonial rule for many years. The spatial planning policies that were implemented were suitable for the British environment. Since Zimbabwe gained its independence, little has been done to revise and update the old master plans that continue to govern planning practices, which has led to various spatial challenges in urban planning.

Tourism development is influenced by many factors. The identification, analysis, and consideration of these factors in tourism planning is the most important task in ensuring sustainable tourism development. It has been noted that there is a lack of comparative data at the municipal level, which may have inhibited the widespread use of geographically comparative analyses of the contribution of various dimensions of tourism in municipalities across the country. Shaw and Williams (2004) note that the process of spatial development is complex due to the influence of physical and socio-economic factors. The elements of tourist infrastructure therefore require constant creation and updating. To develop tourism in a region, an optimal combination of two groups of factors is necessary: the basic factors (natural, socio-cultural, economic, and political) and additional factors (such as entrepreneurship and the information factor, without which tourism cannot develop effectively) (Shaw & Williams, 2004; Dunets, 2007). Since the spatial development of tourism involves the creation of a model and concept for the territorial planning structure of tourism planning and development, it is essential to understand the generic and environmental differentiation of tourist flows. Environmental differentiation refers to the situational location in relation to the tourist infrastructure, while the generic aspect relates to the development of the model of territorial tourism (Polyakova et al., 2018). A number of challenges for spatial planning have been identified in Zimbabwe that affect all sectors, including tourism planning. These challenges include globalisation, demographic changes, sustainable development, and integration and market economy reforms. These factors pose significant challenges to spatial planning and the development of new spatial planning systems.

Globalisation

Of late, the outlook for economic, political, and social

development has been changed by a number of trends in globalisation. These include the liberalisation of trade and international capital flows, as well as the increasingly

widespread acceptance of democratic institutions and market-

based economic systems (Marinakos, 2019). These trends can profoundly affect community structures. Their contribution can increase the internationalisation of metropolitan regions

in the form of capital and labour, alter the distribution of responsibilities between the private and public sectors,

strengthen the roles of major cities in countries, and reduce the polarisation of economic and social standards in cities. For example, in Europe, large cities are attracting labour resources and reorganising economic activities. Those that respond to changes, particularly technological changes, are thus favoured as centres of service and serve as gateways to international markets. This can provide valuable lessons for the African context in terms of tourism planning.

Discussion

There has been a shift in the primary use of land over the

years. The evolution of tourism can be traced back to the Grand Tour that took place in the 17th century. Since then, tourism has become a significant standalone industry that primarily depends on land as its major resource. Postmodern theory

draws attention to the built environment, as well as the theory

and practice of planning. Following the focus of postmodern theory, there is a need to include tourism in the spatial planning sector to eradicate conflicts that arise due to unclear planning frameworks and policies regarding the tourism sector. It is

essential to establish a clear land use policy that allows spatial

planning strategies to cater to the resilience and expansion of the tourism sector. A land use policy must promote the modern expansion of tourism. For instance, there has been a high demand for artificial beaches across the globe. Initially, tourism focused on buildings and recreational places such as parks, rather than on new emerging tourism strategies. This indicates that tourism is an ever-changing sector and therefore requires extensive planning for it to be sustainable.

The conjoining of the tourism and planning sectors is vital, as it allows for proper planning that can foster resilience and growth in tourism. Conflicts between the industries have negative impacts on the tourism sector, compromising its potential for expansion. Having clear policies that cater to tourism in the planning sector facilitates its propagation and growth. While these may seem like small changes, the scale, change, and resilience in tourism theory suggests that the rate at which changes occur influences how people manage and perceive slow changes in the environment, society, and culture, compared to sudden major shocks to the system. Moreover, if there is a desire to achieve sustainable tourism, it must primarily focus on improving local lifestyles, protecting the environment and public health, and offering a better future. From the literature reviewed, it can be noted that tourism development is occurring across all regions and cities, although some are more active than others. According to the NTMP, some areas are more developed than others, and as the capital city, Harare should be leading in this regard. Tourism opens opportunities and strengthens the capabilities of local communities, which means

that tourism development should be spatially distributed.

Planning for tourism should be futuristic in nature; sustainability aspects thus come into play. The conservation of natural and built tourist resources for future generations against any environmental damage leads to long-term tourism development. The development and planning of tourism must be linked to other sectors of the economy to stimulate production in industry and agriculture, thereby contributing to a more balanced economy. Sustainable expansion of tourism requires proper land development. It is important to note that to establish sustainable development, people should be involved in the planning process. The sustainability of land uses, especially people-oriented uses, is somewhat promoted by the public. According to Abuharris and Ruddock (2005), it is up to individual communities to determine how they want to balance the status quo with the benefits of growth, and how effective they will be in mitigating the negative effects they wish to avoid.

The study highlighted key aspects such as the spatiality

of tourism, public participation, and sustainable tourism

planning and development. Although some progress has been

made across the country, the tourism sector has been adversely

affected over the past few years due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic can be defined as a disaster. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are not confined to geographic boundaries or the characteristics of specific areas. This implies that the planning system needs to adapt to these changes and develop strategies that are sensitive and resilient to such disasters.

Globally, not much has been done, which means there is little

or nothing to adopt or replicate. This indicates that planning

authorities worldwide have a duty to formulate plans or

strategies that are both responsive and resilient.

The demographic changes that occur globally influence tourism planning. However, the pace of these changes is rapid, particularly in the case of urbanisation. People are moving

from one place to another, which has spatial implications

for planning. A good example of this is densification, where planning authorities are encouraging vertical growth to address the issues caused by urbanisation. On the other hand, rapid urbanisation has stimulated tourism planning in urban areas due to increased demand. While this can be seen as a positive

outcome, it has also led to an uneven distribution of land uses

across the country. As a result, some urban areas are lagging behind in terms of development in all aspects.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The spatial development of tourism is associated with

implementing initiatives across regions and local areas. The spatial distribution of tourism zones highlights the significance of the tourism space. The NTMP is inclusive, and comparative analyses of tourism spending in relation to population and the economic output of municipalities illustrate the significant role

of tourism in areas that are not necessarily seen as prime tourist

destinations. Therefore, identifying appropriate land use in an area is crucial. However, spatial planning has not significantly contributed to development; instead, areas identified during the pre-independence era remain the leading tourist attractions in selected African countries. Laws that govern resource

conservation are limited to those that cannot manipulate

regulations. Issues related to corruption and abuse of power have crippled the planning system in the country, as evidenced by developments being implemented in areas that are not zoned for recreational activities.

As such, it is recommended that tourism priorities be

incorporated as a strategic input into the preparation of local

master plans and sectoral master plans, such as the National

Tourism Master Plan. This will facilitate planning at local levels by integrating with surrounding and existing land uses. It is

also advisable to address the current constraints on tourism and consider examples from other countries that illustrate solutions to issues related to land availability, taxes on tourism investments, low levels of tourism skills, and fair distribution

of resources.

Assessing the scale of development appropriate to the country’s assets and management resources, as well as determining where and when development will occur, is also advisable. This reduces over-concentration on some land uses while neglecting other relevant, albeit vital, uses, thus enhancing sustainable development. It is important to note the four pillars of sustainability for tourism, namely financial, economic, social, and environmental, all of which are essential for sustained tourism growth.

The most significant aspect of tourism planning is land. Ensuring that both private and public land is available for tourism development is essential, but it often involves conflicting economic, political, legal, technical, and institutional interests. The existence of common land rights and common pool resources complicates the issue further. Serious opposition can arise from local people who have traditional rights to the land but lack legal titles. Questions regarding who owns the land, who owns the resources on it, and how rights are transferred are central to tourism development. The land must be available on a long-term basis, either through ownership or lease, and free of legal and other claims. Development control is therefore vital in tourism development. Red tape and bureaucracy have crippled planning systems in Africa. Planning for and regulating tourism development are crucial to sustainability; however, excessive regulation and unpredictable behaviour by governments and other stakeholders inhibit growth and ultimately make tourism less sustainable.

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Background of Kimberley Through the Industrial Revolution (IR) Ages

Kimberley is an established town with a rich history that can

be divided into four distinct IR ages. Koc and Teker (2019) define IRs as different eras of technological innovations that have significantly contributed to global economic development. Figure 1 illustrates the duration of these four IR ages. The following section outlines Kimberley’s history in relation to each IR evolution.

Figure 1: IR Evolution. Source: Based on Xu et al. (2018)

The First Industrial Revolution (1IR)

Mohajan (2019, p. 2) explains that the 1IR was identified in

the 1760s as the transition from “human or animal labour

technology to machinery, new chemical manufacturing and iron production processes, improved efficiency of water power, the increasing use of steam power, and the development of machine tools”. However, the steam engine can be seen as the central aspect of the 1IR, which significantly contributed to economic development. Scholars further elaborate that the 1IR occurred from 1760 to 1900 and introduced the steam engine, which used coal to power these machines (Melnyk et al., 2019; Xu et al., 2018). Figure 2 demonstrates Kimberley’s historical evolution from 1860 to 1899.

Figure 2: Kimberley’s First IR Evolution. Source: Based on Sol Plaatje Municipality (2008)

Kimberley was established during the 1IR when the first diamond was found in 1860 by a young boy outside Hopetown (John, 2012). Figure 2 identifies three historical milestones from 1860 to 1877 that influenced Kimberley’s mining sector. It illustrates that Kimberley was the first town to receive street lights, which is an excellent example of industrial progress. In 1885 and 1887, two significant improvements occurred with the arrival of the first train and the first horse-drawn trams as means of transport. The Anglo-Boer War, also known as the South African War, broke out in 1899 (see Figure 2) at the end of the 1IR, which drastically affected mining production in Kimberley, as the town was besieged for four months.

The Second Industrial Revolution (2IR)

The 2IR spanned from 1900 to 1960 and was marked by the

invention of the internal combustion engine, which played a pivotal role in ushering in a new era of industrialisation. This

era was characterised by mass production assembly lines that

utilised oil and electrical power (Koc & Teker, 2019, p. 305; Xu et al., 2018, p. 90). The 2IR encompassed the development of the internal combustion engine and the mass manufacturing of products. Sharma and Singh (2020) noted that Henry Ford was the inventor of the first assembly line for vehicle production,

a concept that was inspired by the assembly line used in

slaughterhouses. Figure 3 illustrates Kimberley’s historical evolution from 1900 to 1939.

Figure 3: Kimberley’s Second IR Evolution. Source: Based on Sol Plaatje Municipality (2008)

Figure 3 illustrates that from 1900 to 1905, Kimberley made significant contributions to the 2IR with the introduction of the first steam engine and the first electrically operated trams in the country. It also highlights the merging of municipalities after World War I to promote economic development. Three historical milestones greatly contributed to Kimberley’s growth during the 2IR era from 1929 to 1931, including the establishment of the first diamond-cutting factory, Kimberley’s status as a midway stop for airlines, and the opening of the first airport with runway lights. In 1939, the outbreak of World War II drastically affected the mining sector, which led Kimberley to become increasingly dependent on the mining industry.

The Third Industrial Revolution (3IR)

The 3IR occurred from 1960 to 2000, during which electronics and information technology were implemented to automate the production of goods (Sharma & Singh, 2020; Xu et al., 2018). The 3IR is characterised as the age of cutting-edge, speedy, intelligent, and highly effective systems used to optimise production in businesses (Peter & Mbohwa, 2018). With this in mind, Figure 4 does not identify various IR innovations that occurred during this period; rather, it focuses on the historical establishment of Kimberley.

Figure 4 highlights that, in 1968 and 1970, Kimberley received two key pieces of infrastructure: the Supreme Court and the Harry Oppenheimer House, the latter of which was erected as the first diamond-sorting house. According to Figure 4, the year 1977 marks the introduction of an IR approach when Kimberley acquired the first remote-controlled ore trains for underground operations. This clearly illustrates that the controlled, operated trains are a form of 3IR electronic technology. From 1983 to 1994, three significant historical milestones occurred: the establishment of Galeshewe, Galeshewe becoming part of the Kimberley municipality, and Kimberley being designated as the province’s capital city.

Figure 4: Kimberley’s Third IR Evolution. Source: Based on Sol Plaatje Municipality (2008)

The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR)

The 4IR, defined as computer-generated production (Xu et al., 2018), began in 2000. Philbeck and Davis (2018, p. 17)

identify that the 4IR is built on the achievements of the 3IR, which was “data-centric”, as well as the creation of electricity

and telecommunications during the 2IR. It is agreed that the 4IR would not have been possible without the technological advancements of the previous industrial eras. The 4IR is also referred to as the fusion technology era, which combines the physical, digital, and biological worlds to enhance various sectors and improve livelihoods (Mhlanga & Moloi, 2020). These scholars indirectly confirm that the 4IR is a fusion of different technologies that emerged from earlier IRs. Figure 5 illustrates Kimberley’s historical evolution from 2000 to the present as part of the 4IR.

Figure 5: Kimberley’s Fourth IR Evolution. Source: Based

on Ekapa (2022); Jordaan (2022, July 29, personal

communication with architect on Kimberley’s history during the 4IR); Sol Plaatje Municipality (2008)

Figure 5 recognises that Kimberley and the surrounding small towns merged into Sol Plaatje Municipality at the start of the 4IR. Additionally, Figure 5 illustrates that from 2003 to 2019, several historical infrastructure projects were completed that significantly contributed to Kimberley’s development. Some of

these infrastructures are state-of-the-art facilities that enhance

the education and health of the residents of Kimberley.

Declining Mining Towns

Mining towns were established during the 1IR, with mining defined as the means of extracting natural resources, and mining towns as the settlements surrounding these mining sites (Curriculum Visions, 2018). These settlements were typically temporary camping-style accommodations with limited access to essential resources (Scott et al., 2013). Kimberley is an excellent example of a mining town that evolved into a well-

established town over the years; however, it also illustrates a

concerning trend, as mining towns can often be classified as declining towns.

Declining towns are also referred to as shrinking cities, a phenomenon that is not new in urban areas. Jakar and Dunn (2019, p. 2) state that declining cities are characterised by “empty downtowns, deteriorating neighbourhoods, and struggling families” that result from demographic and economic changes and the movement from urban centres to suburbs on the outskirts of urban areas. The economic decline of a town is a primary factor that contributes to population decline in urban areas. While economic factors and the movement of residents contribute to the decline of towns, declining towns in turn contribute to the decline of mining towns.

In conclusion, declining mining towns are small communities that were established to provide housing and basic necessities for mine workers and their families. As natural resources begin to deplete, these mines close, which leads to a significant decline in the towns. Knierzinger and Sopelle (2019) point out that deindustrialisation is one of the main contributing factors to the decline of mining towns. Weaver et al. (2016) indicate that deindustrialisation contributes to the rapid decline of factories and related employment opportunities, as jobs move to other regions or are affected by international factors.

Revitalisation

Revitalisation is an urban organisational approach aimed at streamlining the improvement of deprived, declining, and challenging urban spaces, with the focus on various aspects of the urban areas and their residents. It involves the act of giving new life, creating growth, and developing or reforming a space (Ramlee et al., 2015). However, revitalisation encompasses

numerous related concepts, such as recovery, development,

revival, rebuilding, protection, regeneration, and restoration; it

is important to note that rehabilitation is not synonymous with

revitalisation. Mwendera and Chilonda (2013) emphasise the need to distinguish between revitalisation and rehabilitation. Rehabilitation focuses more on the engineering methods used to refurbish physical structures and is identified as prolonged maintenance aimed at recovering physical infrastructure, whereas revitalisation concerns the entire urban setting. Raszkowski (2018) explains that revitalisation is an inclusive method of recognising degraded areas or declining towns and framing integrated processes to restore and safeguard these areas, and fostering a close, committed relationship between

the community, their physical infrastructure, and the economy

for sustainable development.

Gentrification

Gentrification emerged in the 1960s as a form of neighbourhood modification in urban spaces (Richardson et al., 2019). However, gentrification was not the first concept of urban transformation. For this paper to explore the potential of the 4IR for the revitalisation of Kimberley, a declining mining town, it is essential to consider the impact of gentrification on urban transformation. Moos (2016) explains that gentrification involves the categorisation of urban communities based on racial classifications. In the South African context, gentrification is associated with apartheid cities, where the government divided urban spaces into different racial classifications. These apartheid cities segregated urban areas according to various racial groups, which contributed to the apartheid of South African neighbourhoods due to the colonial state. Furthermore, gentrification also emerged in inner-city areas, with the aim to relocate racial groups to other neighbourhoods for higher economic values, which was a process that occurred gradually (Dewi & Ristianti, 2019).

Brief Demographics

The Internet survey divided Kimberley into five sections to determine where the population resided. Figure 8 indicates the population’s demographic profile results.

Figure 8: Map of Kimberley Divided Into Five Areas and

Population Gender. Source: Researchers (2022)

Referring to Figure 2, Kimberley was established in 1860, located in Area C (as shown in Figure 8). Currently, most of the central

business district (CBD) is situated in Area C, which may explain

why participants from that area comprised only nine. Figure 4 indicated that the Galeshewe area was established in 1983, classified as Area D in Figure 8. In 1992, all five areas in Figure 8 merged to form Kimberley. The majority of the population resides in Areas A and B, primarily within Kimberley’s residential zones.

Figure 9: Population Age Groups. Source: Researchers (2022)

Figure 9 recognises that most of the population was born during

the 3IR and could have seen the shift to the 4IR in 2000, which

was critical in analysing if the 4IR can promote revitalisation.

Kimberley as a Declining Mining Town

The second section of the Internet survey was based on

Kimberley and mining towns. The questions started with the population’s understanding of the term “declining cities”. Figure 10 illustrates the feedback.

The three options for defining declining cities were sourced from numerous pieces of literature. The population indicated that 70% agreed with Jakar and Dunn’s (2019, p. 2) definition of declining cities as “empty downtowns, deteriorating neighbourhoods, and struggling families”. Figure 10 shows that 21% of the population perceived it as a shrinking city, while 9% concurred with Fol and Cunningham-Sabot’s (2010,

p. 4) definition of a “city of the dead or final graveyard”. A conclusion drawn from the population’s responses is that the most commonly used definition of declining cities is empty CBDs, worsening neighbourhoods, and struggling low-income families. This is an accurate term for declining cities, as they remain functional but are in decline. The population provided their understanding of declining cities by scoring whether they believed Kimberley is a declining town on a scale from one to five, where five indicated the highest likelihood. Figure 10 demonstrates that most (75%) of the population agreed that Kimberley is a declining town.

The literature identified deindustrialisation as the primary contributing factor to the decline of mining towns. Figure 11 shows that 54% of the population in Kimberley agreed that deindustrialisation was the main factor, followed by suburbanisation at 26%. However, 20% of the population indicated that demographic changes were a contributing factor, which could also be a possible reason for the decline.

Figure 12 indicates that 93% of the population agreed that Kimberley is or was a mining town. This aligns with the literature that states Kimberley was established as a mining town in the 1860s.

(2022)

Figure 12 demonstrates data relevant to the population that stated “yes” to Kimberley being a mining town. It identifies that 91% of the respondents agreed that Kimberley is a declining mining town, with contributing factors cited as reasons for this decline. Furthermore, 67% of the population indicated that the main reason was De Beers closing the majority of their mines or selling them off, as De Beers has been the first and primary mining company in Kimberley since 1870 (see Figure 2). Depleted natural resources were identified as a contributing

factor by 25% of the population, as De Beers closed its mines

primarily due to the depletion of these resources. Figure 5

showed that in 2005, De Beers closed all its mines in Kimberley,

and in 2010, sold the viable mines to other companies.

Figure 13 presents a map of Kimberley’s closed mines, various dumping sites, and the three mines that are still in operation.

Figure 5 supports the formulation of this map, and the mining dump site was identified through personal observation. Figure

13 indicates that while some mines in Kimberley have closed,

there are still operating mines in the area, which contributes to its status as a declining mining town.

4IR Possibilities for Revitalisation

The last section of the Internet survey focused on the 4IR and

its potential to promote revitalisation in Kimberley. Figure 14

shows that only 54% of the population were aware of the term

4IR, which is surprising given that we live in the 4IR.

Researchers (2022)

The population was asked to define their understanding of

the term “4IR”, and most stated that they were unfamiliar

with it. Others primarily described it as modern technology and innovations. Figure 14 illustrates some of the population’s responses.

The Internet survey then shifted focus to revitalisation. First, the population was provided with a literature review section and asked whether they believed Kimberley could be revitalised. Eighty-six percent agreed that Kimberley could be renewed. Table 1 indicates the feedback from the population on how Kimberley can be revitalised.

Table 1: Population Responses to Revitalising Kimberley. Source: Researchers (2022)

Two proposals were drafted to understand if they would work to

revitalise Kimberley using the 4IR.

Researchers (2022)

The first proposal was to introduce optimal building technology to contribute to renewable energy and green infrastructure. Figure 15 shows that 70% of the population agreed that this proposal will revitalise Kimberley.

The second proposal focused on the promotion of more

transit-oriented development in Kimberley. Figure 15 illustrates

that only 54% of the population believed that this proposal was

feasible in Kimberley.

The following are some of the population’s proposals for revitalising Kimberley through the 4IR:

• Entertainment and tourism for youths: People are social beings who like to be engaged. Kimberley currently offers

no recreation or tourism-oriented opportunities focused

on the social development of people aged 14 to 35. Younger generations leave because there is nothing to do in Kimberley, and salaries are low.

• Kimberley can be a smart city with all the necessary

technology.

become prime areas for property development.

• The revitalisation of the CBD to attract businesses will

revive the inner city.

Three of the population’s proposals are closely related to the first proposal regarding renewable energy, intelligent building techniques, and optimal development as aspects of the 4IR. The proposal to make Kimberley a logistical hub will significantly revitalise the area, but it remains a theoretical suggestion that requires substantial investigation.

In conclusion, the population confirmed that Kimberley is a declining mining town, with deindustrialisation and the depletion of natural resources contributing to its current state. They supported the idea that Kimberley could be revitalised and provided several suggestions on how this could be achieved. The population was presented with two 4IR revitalisation proposals, which significantly bolstered this notion. The findings also indicated that the population proposed utilising the 4IR to rejuvenate Kimberley.

Interventions for Buildings

Figure 16 indicates that there is limited scope for change to the front of the building. Nevertheless, this building faces

south-west, which means that the west side receives afternoon

sunlight. A proposed intervention is to install modern solar panel window covers on the front of the building, which can generate renewable energy. The architect appointed for this project will integrate these solar panels into the building’s façade. Additionally, the roof can be covered with solar panels, and modifications can be made to the back of the building to allow northern sunlight to enter to provide natural light and heat. The interior can be transformed into a state-of-the-art space with the latest 4IR innovations. Personal observations reveal that Kimberley’s CBD has several old, vacant buildings that are deteriorating each year. These buildings can be revitalised through 4IR innovations to provide accommodation in the CBD for previously disadvantaged citizens. As Kimberley has limited space to construct new residential areas, revitalising old buildings into residential blocks will alleviate the pressure on the municipality to find new land parcels.

How will these old buildings be revitalised into residential blocks? Firstly, most of these buildings in the CBD are offices; a complete redesign will therefore be required to convert the interiors into residential units. Incorporating 4IR building technologies will ensure that the buildings are revitalised to be self-sustainable. Given the limited space, the roofs can be converted into eco-friendly recreation areas for families. This will address the revitalisation of existing buildings. The second part of the discussion focuses on newly constructed infrastructure that incorporates the 4IR.

Figure 17 demonstrates the buildings of Sol Plaatje University in Kimberley, which began enrolling students in 2014, which means that these are all newly constructed buildings. Both photographs, taken from the western side, suggest that the

developers missed an opportunity to incorporate renewable

energy and green infrastructure into the design.

Firstly, regarding the western side of the building, although the windows are covered to mitigate the harsh western afternoon sun, the developers could have incorporated solar panels and covered the walls with them. This panel-covered design would have enhanced the university’s modern infrastructure. Secondly, the photographs indicate that the roofs are utilised for renewable energy; however, they could have been covered with solar panels to enable the university to function off-grid. It is evident that the newly constructed infrastructure lacks the green infrastructure element.

The Informal Backyard Room Renting Sector

Backyard room renting refers to a situation in which formal homeowners build additional roomed outbuildings, either

by formal or informal means, in their yards and rent them out to people or allow tenants to erect makeshift structures,

such as shacks, and pay rent to the landlord. These backyard rentals can lead to slum-like conditions, where the building materials, density, location, legality, and/or access to services are inadequate (Brueckner et al., 2019, p. 1). This type of accommodation arrangement is mainly popular in low-income urban communities. Although the informal housing rental market has grown substantially in the Global South, it is frequently disregarded by government legislative frameworks, and information on informal rental housing is sparse. Consequently, this situation has contributed to the marginalisation of individuals in this demographic group (Gunter & Massey, 2017, p. 28). Nonetheless, it is important to note that, apart from planning legislation, other factors also contribute to the existence and persistence of informal housing. These include changing socio-demographic, economic, and social factors (Uğurlar & Özelçi Eceral, 2022, p. 1), inadequate building requirements, costly or oppressive regulations, and tenants’ inability to pay high rents (Peppercorn & Taffin, 2023).

The Significance of Backyard Room Renting

Informal backyard rental accommodation is the fastest-growing sector of the housing market (Turok & Borel-Saladin, 2016,

p. 11). Gilbert (2016, p. 173) points out that in African cities, millions of people rely on the backyard rental housing sector due to its adaptability and cost-effectiveness. The popularity of this form of housing arises from the fact that it is one of the few viable alternatives for marginalised households and groups, such as informal labourers, migrants, young professionals, and female-headed families (Scheba & Turok, 2020, p. 109). It also serves as a stopgap for low-income families and young professionals in need of accommodation. Similarly, this study found that Mogoditshane has a significant number of backyard rental room tenants, primarily youths and migrants from neighbouring Zimbabwe. Some of the room rental properties contain a ratio of up to 95% migrant tenants.

While governments offer other subsidised alternatives to address the proliferation of urban housing needs, Lemanski (2009, p. 472) believes that backyard renting is the most popular housing option amid the prevailing housing shortage. This backyard rental choice often provides easier access to employment sites and facilities than new standalone informal communities or formal government housing schemes. It is therefore a preferable alternative to homeownership for young individuals. However, it is essential to recognise the instability and imminent changes in informal rental markets. For example, backyard rental dwellings in Cape Town are densifying and commercialising, resulting in higher-quality but more costly dwellings (Scheba & Turok, 2020, p. 114).

Rubin and Gardner (2013, p. 6) reiterate that the backyard rental industry was developed and grew in different countries in response to a lack of adequate housing near economic or social opportunity nodes such as places of employment, residential areas, schools, and other social facilities. Nonetheless, despite its growing contribution to the housing supply, there are significant gaps in the understanding of backyard rental housing (Brueckner et al., 2019, pp. 5-6). Brueckner et al. (2019, p. 5) also point out that backyard rentals, both informal and formal, have not been thoroughly researched in terms of their economic aspects, particularly in developing countries. Furthermore, there has been minimal investigation into the underlying socioeconomic and neighbourhood dynamics, such as the significance of backyard renting in the lives of low-income urban households and its role in the urban housing market (Turok, 2020 p. 1).

The backyard housing sector clearly constitutes a significant component of the housing market. However, it is concerning that, despite its contribution to housing stock provision, backyard rentals nearly always violate the law (Turok & Borel-Saladin, 2016, p. 1). It is therefore imperative that a backyard renting scheme be adopted, as these options are part of both the current and future housing provision market.

For this reason, alternative backyard housing options must be developed to provide better living conditions for individuals, particularly since some are destined to live in them permanently. By and large, the informal rental market, with a focus on backyard rooms and houses, warrants further research, rethinking, reception, and ultimately, a reset.

The Purpose of the Urban Planning Regulatory Framework

The legislative and regulatory framework typically comprises laws that encompass diverse policies and legal and pseudo-legal instruments, which may include policy papers, legislation, bylaws, rules (planning, building, environment, etc.), procedures and practices (procurement, design, public works, financial, audit, etc.), and standards (products and services) (Bourtonon-Dunsmore et al., 2002, p. 2). In essence, urban planning frameworks are a collection of efforts intended to guide the lives of urban dwellers (Abd Elrahman & Asaad, 2021, p. 1663). They represent basic social agreements about how cities and

towns will continue to be created and developed, as well as

how their residents will interact with one another. As a result, regulatory frameworks have a substantial impact on overall development, specifically on planning, zoning, mobility, land

use and plot development, space requirements, infrastructural

services and delivery, and land management and administration (Payne & Majale, 2012). Effective urban legislation is therefore a necessary foundation for long-term growth in all its aspects (economic, spatial, environmental, etc.).

In essence, the outcome of spatial developments in a city or town is heavily influenced by urban planning legislation and regulatory frameworks. Inefficient or impractical policy and regulatory schemes can constrain progress in socio-spatial justice (Irazabal, 2021, p. 151). Conversely, a functional regulatory and legislative system can yield positive effects in advancing socio-spatial justice. A high-quality urban planning legislative framework and policy combine official expertise with local relevance, culture, environment, and context to efficiently execute its specified duties (Xanthaki, 2013, p. 59). In contrast, incompatible, outdated, or ineffective urban planning rules and

regulations contribute to socio-spatial inequality. This is due to the fact that they may not be aligned and/or may impose

limitations on connections between resources, abilities, and

backgrounds that could provide opportunities for all social and economic classes. Consequently, these frameworks are unable to manage continuous urban transitions or anticipate present and future issues. They also maintain the socio-economic status quo and the power of self-perpetuating elites (Xanthaki, 2014,

p. 3; 2013, p. 19). Furthermore, they deny millions of people the genuine enjoyment of their fundamental human rights, such as access to adequate housing and land rights (Xanthaki, 2013, p. 59).

The Significance of an Urban Planning Regulatory Framework in Urban Housing Informality

When discussing urban housing informality, it is imperative to include planning policies and their contribution to the prevalence of housing informality in African cities. The causes of urban planning dysfunction must be addressed to enable effective planning development, especially in the Global South. Sustainable urban planning and design are thus required to mitigate causes of segregation and exclusion, such as a lack of a sustainable spatial environment and suitable housing for the urban poor (Kalabamu, 2018, p. 56). Nevertheless, developing-world governments have established various paradigms, policies, programmes, and projects intended to combat the proliferation of informal housing and settlements while alleviating the urban housing crisis, which is a major breeding ground for informal housing (Nassar & Elsayed, 2018). These strategies include a variety of initiatives, such as low-cost housing, sites and services, redevelopment, and slum improvement. However, none of these approaches have been able to resolve environmental quality and housing demands on a larger and more sustainable scale (Wakely, 2014, p. 1).

Meanwhile, in response to this unsustainable and inadequate land transformation system, individuals have formed self-

planned settlements or informal housing.

According to Ikgopoleng and Cavric (2007, p. 35), Botswana’s Self Help Housing Agency (SHHA), specifically designed for the urban low-income bracket, had a limited impact on the provision of housing for these groups. The low impact of the programme was attributed to a lack of serviced land, issues with cost recovery, and the failure of beneficiaries to repay the loans. Furthermore, this may indicate that the planning regulatory framework for self-help housing was not adequately aligned with the needs of the beneficiaries.

The programme may have been effective in its initial stages, as beneficiaries were able to retain their plots, secure funding, build homes, and subsequently repay their loans on a reasonable schedule. However, circumstances may have changed regarding spatial and domain trends. There is spatial evidence that SHHA plots are being sold to and owned by middle-class residents who are building larger houses. This could suggest that the planning legislative framework has not kept pace with changing circumstances, or that it was never suitable for the specific group it was intended to serve, which led to its decline over time.

There is thus a need to include housing provisions for

the urban poor in policies, particularly for those who fall

below the stipulated income threshold (Nkwae & Dumba, 2010, p. 372). This income group typically cannot access building loans from financial institutions (Kampamba et al., 2018, p. 361). Consequently, it is essential to explore other policy and regulatory options that may enhance accessibility and affordability for the urban poor, such as rental tenure and subsidies (Nkwae & Dumba, 2010, p. 372). This is where backyard rental options could be investigated and improved for adoption.

According to Debrunner and Hartmann (2020), minimal

inquiry and emphasis have been directed towards the potential

influence that planning regulatory frameworks have on urban housing markets, as well as on the capacity of low-income residents to access formal housing and the increase of informal housing. This is the gap that this research intended to bridge.

Due to the isolated link between informality and planning policy or regulation, informal housing has long been managed reactively through uniform housing policies and programmes (Nassar & Elsayed, 2018, p. 2368). This paradigm and approach

have contributed little to the overall urban quality of life and

failed to prevent the spread of informal housing.

Regulatory frameworks currently have a negative impact on low-income urban communities, which adversely affects their livelihoods for various reasons (Payne & Majale, 2012, p. 25; Schilderman & Lowe, 2002, p. 2). These include regulations that prohibit developments that meet the needs and budgets of the urban poor, as uniform regulations can be burdensome and may lead to more resistance than compliance (Payne, 2001). The regulations also impose strict and incompatible planning and building standards, such as large minimum plot sizes, house sizes, zoning compatibility, density restrictions, and height restrictions. This can result in the low-income urban population being unable to afford the development of formal housing that meets the stipulated criteria. Furthermore, regulations may prevent the poor from earning a living in residential areas, as the standards are seldom cost-related and often expensive for them. Additionally, procedures can be time-consuming and costly.

According to Kalabamu (2018, p. 76), Botswana’s urban planning regulatory framework, in its current form, does not adequately address the provision of housing. Furthermore, Kalabamu (2018, p. 56) states that an analysis of Botswana’s planning legislation remains centralised, with minimal opportunities for direct participation by urban inhabitants. Active participation is further compromised by the technocratic nature of the planning system. It is noted that planning documents are written not only in technical language but also in English, which makes them less accessible to the general public (Kalabamu, 2018, p. 56). This issue of incomprehensible language and terminology was evident during data collection for this research with residents of Mogoditshane. When questions were posed to the residents using seemingly simple planning terminology, such as “planning regulations”, “building regulations”, and “building permission”, there was a clear lack of understanding of their meanings. Consequently, there was a need to switch to Setswana for better comprehension.

Furthermore, the existing planning regulatory framework excludes indigenous/non-capitalistic and informal sectors, which results in adverse regulations. This exclusion has significant consequences for the physical, economic, social, and technical conditions of underprivileged groups. Domaradzka (2018, p. 609) reiterates that to achieve inclusivity and related rights and benefits in the city, the participation of urban inhabitants in all decisions that affect the production of urban space is critical. Additionally, there is a pressing need for mutual understanding and interpretation of the regulatory frameworks among inhabitants, so that their participation and input can be meaningful and serve as tools for the improvement of their lives.

Main Objective

This research was conducted to explore the extent to which

Botswana’s settlement planning legislative and regulatory

framework is inclusive, and to determine whether it contributes

to the emergence of informal housing and backyard room renting in Greater Gaborone (Mogoditshane), Botswana.

Sub-Research Objectives

Study Area (Mogoditshane)

A case study approach was adopted to assess the contribution

of planning to the emergence of informal housing in urban areas. Mogoditshane, located on the periphery of Gaborone, was chosen as the study area. Before Botswana’s independence in 1966, Mogoditshane was a small village with a population of less than 4 000 (Kalabamu, 2014, p. 18). However, this population more than doubled to 14 246 in 2001 and reached 58 079 in the 2011 National Census Report (Republic of Botswana, 2011, p. 12). The village continues to grow rapidly, having been identified as the highest populated village in Botswana in the preliminary results of the Population and Housing Census (Republic of Botswana, 2022, p. 8), with a current population of 88 098 inhabitants and a growth rate of 4.0%. Mogoditshane is now

an extension of the capital city, Gaborone, which has a current

population of 244 107 (Republic of Botswana, 2022, p. 8). The two settlements have physically merged into one continuous

urbanised area referred to by the Botswana National Spatial

Plan 2036 (Republic of Botswana, 2018, p. 109) as the Gaborone/ Mogoditshane/Tlokweng Built-Up Area. While the merging of these three entities provides a platform for a common planning process and strategy, the settlements will retain their distinct identities and administrative governance (Republic of Botswana, 2018, p. 109).

In the case of Mogoditshane, informal housing should not be equated with slums, which are defined by the Oxford English Dictionary (2025) as a “squalid and congested urban street or neighbourhood populated by very poor people”. According to Kalabamu (2006, p. 227), within the informal housing of Mogoditshane, some individuals are ranked among the highest income brackets in society; a mix of affluent and poor people therefore live side by side. Furthermore, the majority of Mogoditshane’s urban poor, particularly the youth, meet their housing needs through room renting, which involves multiple households renting one or two rooms in a single house or the backyard (Kalabamu, 2006, p. 226).

Government Urban/Town Planners

The relevant government authorities, i.e., local councils, should emphasise the need for stronger enforcement of regulations

so that residents do not feel that non-compliance bears no

immediate penalties. Designated members from the local community could be trained and employed to monitor building activities and to report non-conforming practices to the Land Board and the City Council.

As it stands, backyard renting needs to be integrated into the official housing system for African governments, including Botswana’s Mogoditshane. According to Lategan and Cilliers (2013), the backyard rental industry delivers significant advantages by providing shelter to hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of South Africans who would otherwise be forced to live in shanty townships while waiting for local governmentsubsidised housing. However, even though informal backyard rentals encourage compact development, which combats urban sprawl and affords low-income urban individuals some shelter, the sector is not sustainable in its current form (Lategan & Cilliers, 2013). Backyard renting therefore needs to be regulated, protected, serviced, and managed if social, economic, environmental, and spatial sustainability is to be established.

For existing backyard renting, especially in densely

populated areas, rehabilitation should be prioritised over

demolition. A working example can be drawn from South Africa, where strategies to address the issue of Cape Town’s backyard renters can be traced back to 2010. At that time, the city’s Department of Housing Policy and Research was tasked with conducting further research into the sector and identifying potential reform measures (Fieuw & Mitlin, 2018, pp. 215-217; Grady et al., 2019, pp. 6-9). The services provided include an additional enclosed flush toilet, running water, a prepaid

electricity meter for up to three backyard families, and one

additional refuse bin (Grady et al., 2019, pp. 6-9).

The ministry responsible for housing (i.e., the Ministry of Lands and Water Affairs and the Department of Housing) should formulate a recognised formal policy for backyard renting in Mogoditshane. This will serve to legitimise the role of backyard renting in the housing supply system and also dedicate funding instruments to support the sector. Three major aspects could be included in the policy to improve housing affordability in Mogoditshane, namely reforming land use regulations to allow smaller plot sizes and more compact housing; expanding housing subsidies for the lowest-income households; and relaxing some of the building requirements, specifically adapting them for lower-income earners, as regulatory frameworks impact various groups differently (Payne & Majale, 2012). As noted by Payne and Majale (2012) and Payne (2001), significant

costs, both monetary and non-monetary, are associated with

complying with regulatory frameworks. Uniform regulatory charges impose an unjustified burden on the poor, which results in more resistance than compliance with regulations.

The Department of Town and Country Planning can develop local plans that recognise the specific needs and aspirations of the low-income urban population in Mogoditshane. Efforts should be made to relax, simplify, and streamline laws and regulatory procedures to reduce their complexity, costs, and restrictive conditions associated with formalisation.

Furthermore, local government authorities, i.e., city/town councils, should set out to educate the people in Mogoditshane regarding building regulations and the planning process to create awareness and emphasise their importance. Guidelines, templates, and handbooks about better building practices could be developed in both local and official languages and provided at no cost to landowners in the community. These could be accompanied by information sheets about the process of submitting building plans and the benefits of obtaining land use approval.

The above will help to formalise and eliminate some of the socio-economic and environmental issues related to inadequate housing. According to Duminy (2011), modern planning is preoccupied with the unrealistic image of an officially organised and regulated city or town, which leads to despair for those who are living in condemned informal settlements. Backyard rental policy should therefore primarily recognise and embrace the backyard phenomenon. Furthermore, it should ensure that rental housing in designated areas remains affordable for low-income earners over the long term, with Mogoditshane being one such place where backyard renting is already prevalent.

Residents and Landlords

The residents and landlords of Mogoditshane should be fully involved in the process of formulating regulations to enhance inclusivity through consultations with policymakers. This practice will enable the inhabitants of Mogoditshane to express

their local needs, which will enable the responsible entities to

understand issues as they exist on the ground. In turn, this will assist officials in developing effective solutions based on accurate real-time data and concerns. This notion is supported by Kalabamu (2018, p. 56) and Douglas (2013), who explain that inclusivity and the related calls for the right to the city are

predicated on the direct participation of urban inhabitants in all

decisions that affect the production of urban space.

Evolution, Context of Vulnerability, and Posture of the State

In setting the context for the discussion, this section first describes the evolution of selected slum communities. The intricate interactions that establish the settings of vulnerability in these study communities, due to their unchecked growth in flood-prone zones, have substantially impacted and influenced their emergence and development. Three distinct scenarios regarding informality and flood susceptibility can be offered

based on their historical developments, politics of space,

settings of informal urbanisation, and locations in hazardous zones. The first section outlines the contextual profile of the selected communities. Thereafter, the contribution and ongoing role of the state in creating and sustaining these communities are presented.

Mensah Guinea: Mensah Guinea, an indigenous Ga town from the late 18th century, is located between the old township of Ga Mashie and the beach area, as well as the township of Osu. This in-between location was undeveloped but attractive due to its good fishing waters. The area is unplanned, with haphazard buildings and poor drains, and is described as a slummy place (Fält, 2016). It is often associated with various vulnerabilities; ranging from poor sanitation conditions to high crime rates and social vices such as stealing, rape, and prostitution. The close proximity to the sea also exposes the community to frequent flooding. Since independence, the local government of Accra has issued building permits for several houses used for residential and fishing activities in the area. Despite being granted building permits, residents face the constant threat of eviction by the Accra Municipal Assembly (AMA). There is also an assemblyman who represents the community at the local government level. In September 2014, the Mensah Guinea slum was demolished on the pretext of being a hub for cholera outbreaks, after residents were given three days’ notice of eviction. The availability of a Guinea permit provided by the AMA could not prevent the demolition of the slum.

Sakumono: The Sakumono Ramsar site is a wetland

acquired by the government in 1991 to protect neighbouring

towns, such as Tema and its environs, from pollution and

flooding. It covers an area of approximately 3 500 acres along the coastal road between Accra and Tema. The land was acquired by the government, and following its failure to use it for the intended purpose, it has experienced encroachment. The traditional leaders’ quest to have the land handed over to them has not been successful, although people who have no rights to these areas are using it for recreational and residential purposes. The area consists of wooden shacks with few concrete houses, and there are no drainage or sanitation facilities for residents. Since the encroachment of the site, neither the Municipal Assembly, the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, nor the Wildlife/Forestry Commission has made any effort to stop it. Some residents claim to have purchased the land and have documents to that effect, while the municipal

chief executive of Tema West also claims that over 4 000 houses

do not have permits. The area was inspected on 7 July 2022, and on 8 July 2022, the mayor of Accra announced that houses along the stretch would be demolished.

Kpeshie: La, a peri-urban township in Accra, Ghana, is

where Kpeshie is located. It contains sand hills, open lagoons,

marshy lands, and scrublands, with a catchment area of around

110 km's that periodically flows into the Atlantic Ocean. The lagoon is situated on a low-lying plain, which creates a marshy zone between the Teshie Rasta Road corridor to the east and the Ghana International Trade Fair corridor to the west. The lagoon has four wetlands with different inlets; three of these inlets have been encroached upon and polluted. Residents have filled the area with concrete and constructed their houses there. There are no proper drains in the catchment area. Like other

encroached areas, it is denied basic facilities, which results in an

unhygienic environment. The pollution of the inlets has created breeding grounds for mosquitoes, which led to malaria and other illnesses among residents. At the local government level, there is an elected Assembly member for the area, and building permits have been issued by the Assembly. The Assembly published a notice requesting permission from a developer to develop the already encroached area instead of maintaining it as an ecologically sensitive zone.

Ashaiman: The development of Ghana’s port and industrial metropolis in the 1950s served as the catalyst for the expansion of Ashaiman, which is approximately 5 km away from Tema. Old residents of Tema were relocated to Ashaiman as part of a compensation package from the government. However, non-natives (migrants) who were already residing on the property were not included in this resettlement. Instead, in Ashaiman (then a tiny fishing community), they were given small plots of land to construct their own homes. As Tema grew and attracted many urban migrants, it suffered from a housing shortage. As a result, many recent immigrants decided to settle in Ashaiman. The availability of more affordable rental housing, the lack of building regulations that eased construction, and proximity to Tema made Ashaiman an attractive alternative. Parts of the community experience annual floods, which renders residents vulnerable. Flood-prone areas have faced a constant threat of eviction and demolition.

Weija: A dam constructed 40 years ago supplies water to many parts of the GAMA. To mitigate the impacts of potential dam failure due to seismic activities, as well as accidental and planned water spillages, approximately 100 m of land around the dam and 30 m of riparian land along the River Densu were reserved. Despite these planning prohibitions, these reservations have largely been encroached upon by homebuilders and business operators. The 30-m riparian lands have been heavily encroached upon by concrete buildings. This area is ecologically sensitive, which means that it is illegal for residents to occupy. The annual opening of the dam exposes residents to flood hazards, causing them to lose millions of cedis each year due to property destruction. The management of the dam announces annually that residents must vacate before the opening. Flood victims are typically supported by NADMO with relief items to alleviate their vulnerability.

Old Fadama: Old Fadama, a site of 31.3 hectares located near Agbogbloshie, was a refuge during the 1983 famine in Ethiopia and the Konkomba-Nanumba conflict in 1994. The government allocated the land due to the pressing need for housing. With the intention of it being temporary, no facilities or amenities were provided for the residents; however, they constructed wooden structures with zinc roofing sheets. Disrespectfully nicknamed “Sodom and Gomorrah”, the area is often associated with negative activities such as rape, theft, teenage pregnancy, murder, and drug use. Since 2002, the community has also received threats and warnings of eviction. Residents have frequently refused to move, arguing that the government has not yet provided them with alternative land for housing (Afenah, 2009). Furthermore, the AMA has been pressing for their eviction since the early 2010s, targeting an estimated population of over 80 000 residents.

Agbogbloshie: The Agbogbloshie community is situated along the Korle Lagoon in the Greater Accra Region. Before its conversion into a slum, Agbogbloshie was a wetland with a wildlife population. The first settlers were returnees from Nigeria in 1983. Based on the situation of these returnees, the government at the time designated Agbogbloshie as the first point of arrival to allow for medical screening. Those who needed assistance to start life anew were to stay there while government markets were prepared for them. Some were relocated, which resulted in many people living in the area.

During the Non-Alliance Conference in 1991, the government again relocated hawkers, beggars, and all individuals considered socially unfit to Agbogbloshie. The idea was for them to remain out of the city until the conference was over, at which point they could return to their daily activities. During the Konkonba-Nanumba War, popularly known as the Guinea Fowl War, in 1994, internal refugees from the north settled in Agbogbloshie, again with the intention of returning when the war was over. Each of the three groups erected temporary structures as they waited for the government to resettle them, which never happened. Several generations from these groups have come to see this place as their only home.

Case Study 1: Production of Informality

The cases above draw attention to the formation of slums or informal settlements and the role the state has played in

their existence. These cases highlight the state’s contributions in three forms. Firstly, the state is a major contributor to the

formation of slums and vulnerability, as discussed in the

context of urban governance. The state’s acquisition of land and the management of these lands have always been questioned. For instance, in 1961, the then government of Ghana acquired over 360 acres of Agbogbloshie land along the Odaw River and Korle Lagoon for what it claimed was the “Korle Lagoon Development” project. In 1991, the Sakumono Ramsar site was acquired by the government of Ghana from the Nungua Stool lands, and the Weija Dam, constructed over 40 years ago, supplies water to many parts of the GAMA. Around the dam, approximately 100 m of land and 30 m of riparian land along the Densu River were reserved to mitigate the impacts of potential dam failure. These and other areas have been demarcated as reserved zones not intended for human habitation. The state’s

failure to use the lands for their intended purpose has resulted

in encroachment. These communities became home to the less privileged, as city authorities pretended not to be aware of their existence. Consequently, these areas developed into squatter settlements with no planning or infrastructure, such as drains and electricity, and no security of tenure. During an interview, an opinion leader in his 70s at Agbogbloshie lamented:

“We were asked to stay here when we return from Agege, the government will give us another place so we move. It was a planned land, we built it up. Because we can’t sleep outside, we need a roof over our heads. That has not been done and we also don’t have anywhere to call home apart from here. They should give us a place and we will move.”

During a focus group discussion at Old Fadama, a resident also indicated that it was his hometown:

“I have never seen my parents travel anywhere like home. This is where I was born, and I grew up here. This place is just not planned but is just like any other place. It is just the presence of the river that makes us vulnerable, but we live just like all the others in the other towns. If something needs to be done, they should work on the river, not us.”

Secondly, following the acquisition of land that was not used

for its intended purposes, the state created suitable areas for

the development of informal settlements. The cases of Old

Fadama and the Sakumono Ramsar sites, which were acquired

primarily for ecological development, have not been utilised for that purpose. Old Fadama became a site for temporary settlement for returnees from Nigeria. Most of the returnees were weak and sick; the government therefore settled them

there to provide treatment and a location for resettlement

afterward. Furthermore, during the Non-Aligned Movement

Summit held in Accra, the state decided to relocate all informal

activities (hawkers and beggars) to Old Fadama. This decision

further increased the resident population in Old Fadama, and

brought them closer to the lagoon. The situation escalated when migrants fleeing the Nanumba-Konkomba War were also housed as refugees on the same piece of land. The people who were relocated began constructing wooden structures for trade and housing, treating it as a temporary arrangement. The state’s failure to protect the riparian lands has also exposed the community to flood vulnerability – a situation created by the state. The acquisition and non-use of sensitive ecological zones, such as the Sakumono Ramsar site and the Odaw, Korle, and Kpeshie lagoons, along with the inadequate protection of

riparian lands, have not only resulted in the establishment of

unapproved settlement areas but also increased the residents’ vulnerability to flooding hazards in that area.

The state’s position on the development of slums in urban areas can be described as one of neglect. This negligence can be understood as a lack of awareness regarding the growth of settlements and a pretence of their non-existence. There is a persistent belief that these structures are temporary and will be removed at the appropriate time. This mindset emboldens certain private individuals and traditional authorities to sell state lands to developers. For instance, the Sakumono Ramsar site was developed impulsively as a recreational area and later evolved into settlements. The Traditional Authority has, on several occasions, requested that the state hand over the land to them, as private individuals are selling it to developers.

An opinion leader from the Stool lands remarked:

“We were warned by the CEO [chief executive officer] of the forestry commission in 2018 not to sell any part of these places to anyone. He asked anyone who bought from us to come for their money when we knew nothing about it. Where were they when strangers started selling

our lands? Did they see them build?”

Beyond the emergence and growth of these communities, the state neglects these communities through the non-provision of infrastructure and utility services. The officials interviewed from

the various Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies concurrently reiterated that those areas are not under their

jurisdiction; hence they are not responsible for them. The place they occupy is illegal, and they cannot provide utility at an illegal residence. However, some of these people claim to have legal documents from the Assembly approving their site. For instance, a woman at Kpeshie indicated:

“I bought this land with my husband, and we have documents from the Assembly. I am sure about this

because I went to do it myself and sent the documents to

him. I would have shown it to you.”

A member of the Mensah Guinea also stated:

“We have documents for our lands, we didn’t just register, our ancestors were here long before, and we registered the lands when we were asked to. We still have our documents.”

The non-provision of infrastructure presents residents

with vulnerability.

Case 2: Flood Vulnerability

The study areas are primarily located near water bodies, which

makes them vulnerable to flood hazards from perennial heavy rainfall, lagoon overflows, and high tides. The Weija community is particularly at risk due to spillage from the dam, as well as overflow from the Kpeshie, Old Fadama, and Agbogbloshie lagoons. Flooding has affected most of these communities annually since the 19th century, with devastating impacts. In Ashaiman, floods in 2010 destroyed residents’ properties, caused

17 deaths, and displaced approximately 9 000 people (NADMO,

2011). A NADMO official stated:

“Some of the residents who drowned were due to rising

water in their home too, they didn’t even go out. There

were children as young as three years.”

In the case of Old Fadama and Agbogbloshie, the area is relatively low-lying, which makes it highly vulnerable to flood hazards. The land has been reclaimed using sawdust and materials such as plastic bags and other waste, which increases the communities’ risk of flooding. Following continuous rains in 1997, around 200 houses were partially submerged, which forced residents to abandon their homes. In 2017, an overflow of the lagoon bank resulted in the entire area being flooded, including the main road. Workers and students were unable to reach their workplaces or take their Basic Education Certificate examinations. The presence of the dam in Weija makes its catchment area even more vulnerable, as it experiences flooding beyond the normal rainfall levels. Vulnerability in these

communities extends from physical to socio-economic factors,

described as human vulnerability by Cannon (2002). The

context of vulnerability in Accra, as explained in the framework,

can be understood as a production process that goes beyond physical damage and is shaped by complex interactions in the urban environment.

Situated in this socio-political framework of flood vulnerability, this study reveals that while flood events are linked to biophysical occurrences such as rainfall, river basin overflow, and high tides, flood vulnerability in informal communities in Accra is produced and shaped by complex socio-cultural and political processes and alliances that interact constantly in the urban environment. The study also demonstrates that these socio-political forces, factors, and actors, through their interactions and alliances, shape community responses and coping strategies to flood hazards.

Case 3: State Approach and Management of Informal Settlements

The state’s approach to flood management in informal

settlements has been characterised as either a brutal presence or

a convenient absence (Amoako, 2016). As discussed above, the

state has consistently played a role in the formation of informal

settlements. In its efforts to address flood hazards in these

communities, the state has adopted a hostile approach, often

evicting flood victims in slum areas. Furthermore, the literature has frequently highlighted the plight of flood victims without acknowledging the state’s role. The state has consistently employed a “Rambo” style of threat-warn-evict/demolish, which is a strategy that has been in use for more than two decades. For instance, residents of Agbogbloshie have reported that the AMA has threatened them since 2002:

“They started coming way before 2002, they come and disturb us, threaten to evict us then they go and don’t come back again. This is a normal thing we have been going through.”

Agbogbloshie and Old Fadama’s history of previous evictions include the following:

The Mensah Guinea area was demolished in 2015 by the AMA, which cited the location as a hub for crime and, most

critically, a cholera outbreak. The Sakumono Ramsar site has also faced various threats of eviction since 2021.

After the president’s directive to Metropolitan, Municipal, and

District Assemblies to demolish all structures in waterways, various municipalities within the GAMA have embarked on

demolition exercises using security personnel. The La-Dade-

Kotopon Municipal Assembly, Ayawaso North Municipal

Assembly, and Ledzokuku Municipal Assembly issued an eviction warning to encroachers on the Kpeshie Lagoon catchment on 18 September 2021. The eviction was carried out on 30 September 2021. On 22 February 2022, the Traditional Authority encouraged the government to demolish illegal structures on the Ramsar site. The Security Council also issued a threat of eviction in July 2022. These structures were demolished two weeks after the eviction notice.

The use of forceful eviction also contributes to the vulnerability of the urban poor and the destruction of economic

activities, which in turn affects national development. For

instance, a food vendor at Kpeshie collapsed at the site of the

destruction of their workplace. Residents of Agbogbloshie and Old Fadama also recount the significant amount of money they

lost due to the demolitions, as they were unable to pack their

items in time. One of the residents said:

“I have stock I just bought which I had started sorting out, all that is gone. We tried to see if we could identify some of them and pick them out, but we ended up fighting among ourselves because everyone is worried about the money they are losing. These things we pick help keep the main city clean, now you will find them everywhere and the floods will happen there, not here. Imagine a spoiled fridge and TV in one car… you just imagine.”

Another worker added:

“Don’t worry, the truth is most of us have places in town,

but we do this here because this is commonplace, we will

do it in our houses now. There is no alternative job, and we have to feed our families.”

This means that the activities of the scrapyard are being transferred into communities very close to other settlements.

The rate of pollution will be more widespread, which will result

in higher levels of contamination.

The cases presented above clearly demonstrate the connection between the conceptual framework in which informality is produced through governance and how state responses create informality and vulnerability.

Ramapulane Mphanya

Department of Urban and Regional Planning University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Trynos Gumbo

Department of Urban and Regional Planning University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

George Onatu

Department of Urban and Regional Planning University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Abstract

Little has been said about downward raiding in housing in the planning literature. Various governments in developing countries have established subsidised housing projects with the hope of providing housing opportunities to low-income groups. These government institutions offer housing subsidies and serviced sites to improve access to adequate housing for low-income groups. However, low-income areas are often raided by middle-income earners, which makes it difficult for low-income households to access housing that was originally intended for them. State institutions frequently appear ineffective as they fail to address this problem, which results in low-income households struggling to participate in the formal housing market. This paper therefore examines the role of state housing institutions in the perpetuation of downward raiding in housing, focusing on the Linakotseng housing project in Maseru, Lesotho. The methodology employed included a case study research design, key informant interviews, and a review of strategic documents. The study found that the government-led low-income housing project in Linakotseng was raided

by middle-income earners, which rendered the houses

unaffordable for low-income groups. It was identified that the community was not involved in the planning of this settlement, and market research was not conducted properly. The study recommends the adoption of a methodology in housing projects that encourages community participation and thorough market research, and that authorities must understand local realities.

Keywords: Downward raiding, low-income housing, case study, Linakotseng, Lesotho, community participation, market research.

Introduction

Various government institutions in the developing world have engaged in different housing subsidy projects for low-income groups. However, in some cases, these housing projects are raided by middle-and upper-income groups. Typically, downward raiding occurs as cities rapidly expand and middle-and upper-income groups, unable to afford the costs of housing and land, buy out low-income groups living in informal settlements (Lemanski, 2014 : 2946). Over the years, this has manifested in state-subsidised housing that is generally intended for low-income groups. Focusing on the issue of downward raiding in Linakotseng, we argue that housing institutions play a role in perpetuating this phenomenon, especially in the cities of the Global South.

This paper provides a historical background of the low-income housing schemes in Maseru and examines how they ended up being raided by middle- and upper-income groups. It concentrates on these cases to provide evidence that the Lesotho Housing and Land Development Corporation (LHLDC) had opportunities to learn from these previous low-income housing schemes. The next section discusses downward raiding and how it manifests. The following section focuses on case experiences in Brazil to further demonstrate that downward raiding not only occurs in informal settlements but also in downtown areas and planned housing projects. Lastly, the paper positions itself within a case study design by discussing the evolution of low-income housing projects in Maseru to solidify the argument that downward raiding in Linakotseng is similar to many of the projects that occurred in Maseru.

Downward Raiding in Housing

Downward raiding in housing manifests as exclusion and displacement. This situation occurs when lower-income areas, such as subsidised housing and informal settlements, are raided by middle-income groups. During this process, middle-income groups may undertake infrastructural upgrades, while low-income groups are excluded. Payne (1996, p. 21) posits that low-income groups find it difficult to access housing in areas that were previously intended for them and argues that this situation is perpetuated by land titling in developed countries. Furthermore, after purchasing housing intended for low-income groups, middle-income buyers may improve these properties and resell them, thereby excluding the low-income beneficiaries who, in most cases, were identified as the original, direct recipients of state-subsidised housing (Lemanski, 2011).

It is important to note that downward raiding is, in some cases, perpetuated by the housing institutions that are responsible for these projects. Housing subsidy schemes are typically located at the urban periphery, which is often attractive to middle-and high-income earners (Huchzermeyer, 2005,

p. 215). Consequently, there are several reasons why low-income earners may choose to sell their houses to middle- and higher-income earners. Among other reasons, recipients of subsidised housing units often sell them to clear their debts (Boaden & Karam, 2000). This phenomenon has also been observed in South Africa, where high-and middle-income earners lure low-income residents from state-subsidised housing, which undermines the initial purpose of the housing project. Interestingly, Lemanski (2014, p. 2946) argues that downward raiding is largely driven by middle-income opportunists rather than the state.

Downward raiding in housing conflicts with government policies, particularly in meeting international human rights standards such as the right to adequate housing. If the housing needs of middle-income groups are not met, the housing projects intended for low-income earners will be down-raided (Karam, 2008). Another argument is that downward raiding in housing will continue due to the improved locations of low-income housing schemes. However, there is concern that in countries such as South Africa, which has a history of apartheid spatial planning, attempts to prevent downward raiding may lead to issues of segregation (Karam, 2008). Most importantly, state housing institutions do not directly contribute to downward raiding; however, they induce it by providing formal land titling, engaging in urban infrastructure upgrades, and offering state-subsidised housing (Croese & Pitcher, 2019).

Brazilian Case Experience

In Rio de Janeiro, the government has ventured into a low-income housing project in Elizete Cardoso, which is located in central Rio de Janeiro. In Elizete Cardoso, the phenomenon of downward raiding in housing occurs secretly. Garmany and Burdick (2021, p. 2804) discovered that, unlike in other cases where downward raiding occurs in the urban periphery and

informal areas, this phenomenon takes place in central locations

of Rio. The central location of Elizete Cardoso is appealing to all income groups, particularly due to its proximity to employment opportunities, nightlife, and beaches.

Most importantly, Elizete Cardoso attracts people with money because it is different from the favelas and has formal housing as opposed to informal housing. Although this area is identified as being occupied by low-income families and is located along the edges of the favelas, it features formal housing, which helps to explain the phenomenon of downward raiding (Garmany & Burdick, 2021, p. 2807).

The main drivers of downward raiding in Elizete Cardoso are its formal housing and urban centrality. Notably, middle-income raiders seem to be attracted to state-subsidised housing in the city centre because they cannot afford housing in traditionally middle-class locations (Garmany & Burdick, 2021,

p. 2805). Several reasons have been attributed to the occurrence of downward raiding and, in Elizete Cardoso, the high cost of bills, especially water, appears to be the major factor. The majority of the initial residents in this area left within the first year because they could not afford to pay the monthly bills. They sold their houses and returned to the favelas. In what Abreu (1994, p. 41) calls “the dance of the favelas”, attempts to address informality by relocating and building new homes often produce more urban informality. This is especially true if poverty and inequality are not addressed. It is therefore important to note that if low-income groups are provided with newly built housing, they incur new expenses. Many of these families end up selling their houses and returning to their previous locations because the cost of living becomes unaffordable for them.

Surprisingly, in Elizete Cardoso, many people expect that the low-income residents would have a negative attitude towards the middle-income raiders. However, there were some indifferent feelings about the prospect of downward raiding, with some low-income residents expressing happiness that poor neighbours had left, as they saw them as a burden (Garmany & Burdick, 2021, p. 2809). They viewed the incoming middle-income neighbours as civilised and saw them as providing financial opportunities, as those who sold their houses made a significant profit and experienced an upward trajectory from their poor backgrounds. Conversely, others believed that the estate administrators allowed downward raiding to occur because they benefitted financially from the residential fees and thus turned a blind eye (Garmany & Burdick, 2021, p. 2809).

Methodology

This study was qualitative as it adopted a case study research

design and utilised key informant interviews and content analysis to situate downward raiding in the context of Linakotseng, Maseru. The case study design provided insight into downward raiding and its manifestations. The secondary data were analysed through content analysis, while thematic

analysis was used to analyse the primary data from the Chief

Housing Officer.

Evolution of Low-Income Housing Projects in Maseru

Globally, Maseru can be described as one of the smallest cities,

both in size and population. This city is home to more than a quarter of the country’s population. However, its rapid growth does not match the delivery of housing projects, particularly low-income housing schemes. Despite recent efforts by the LHLDC to engage in low-income housing projects, it must be noted that the first housing construction schemes in Maseru were initiated in the mid-1980s. It is therefore worth discussing these low-income housing projects. Devas (1989, p. 206) provides an account of the first housing schemes in Maseru, as discussed below.

Perspective on Linakotseng

Figure 1: Location of Low-Income Housing in Linakotseng. Source: Google Earth (2022)

Linakotseng is a neighbourhood located within the boundaries of the Maseru Municipal Council in south-western Maseru. It consists of two parts that make up an old rural settlement.

The settlement is bordered to the north by Ha Tsolo and is also

adjacent to the Caledon River. Notably, in 2014, the Ministry of Local Government, Chieftainship and Parliamentary Affairs

decided to embark on the construction of state-subsidised low-

income housing in Linakotseng to provide affordable housing for all.

At its inception, the project constructed 17 three-room low-income dwellings, each measuring around 42 m. Interestingly, at the time of construction, it was predicted that these homes might not be affordable for many low-income households in Maseru. The photograph below shows a low

income dwelling in Linakotseng. Although these three-room houses were intended for the low-income group, they ultimately

attracted middle-income individuals, as they were too costly for

the intended low-income households.

Figure 2: Low-Income House in Linakotseng. Source: United Nations Human Settlements Programme (2015)

However, this low-income housing project appeared to have attracted middle-income groups rather than low-income groups. At first glance, this can be attributed to several factors, one of which is the location of the housing project on the urban periphery, where low-income groups may not be able to afford transport to and from work. In an interview conducted in August 2021 with the Chief Housing Officer at the Ministry of Local Government, she was asked whether her office could carry out any housing development project from planning to implementation. She replied:

“Yes, we do have the capacity to carry out a housing

development project from its planning to implementation

because we have a recent success story in Linakotseng

where we constructed a low-income housing project.”

Interestingly, the Chief Housing Officer outlined that although

the houses were constructed, they later became aware that the

intended recipients could not afford them because they were too expensive for low-income groups. Consequently, these houses were purchased by middle-and upper-income groups. This interview identified that there was institutionalised downward raiding, perpetuated by the Directorate for Housing. The Chief Housing Officer was aware of this situation but indicated that her office lacked the funds to carry out various types of projects that would otherwise accommodate all income groups. What this implies is that the ministry and its housing departments may not have learned from previous low-income housing schemes, which failed to fulfil their initial plans due to being taken over by middle- to upper-income groups.

Conclusion

Lemanski (2014, p. 2946) suggests that downward raiding has been present for some time, although few case studies on this phenomenon have been presented. Given this context, we

believe it is important to study this process and address the

gap in urban studies. We discovered that there is likely more downward raiding occurring than is visible. It is a situation that is further perpetuated by the housing institutions that are responsible for housing development in many countries. We therefore provided a review of how different scholars define this phenomenon and investigated Brazil’s case experience of downward raiding. We employed a case study design to understand the extent and historical background of this phenomenon in Maseru and Linakotseng. An interview with the Chief Housing Officer helped us to realise that this phenomenon occurs visibly within housing institutions. Consequently, we conclude that institutions allow downward raiding to occur. In the case of Linakotseng, there have been precedents that could provide lessons to avoid downward raiding. This paper recommends that housing institutions conduct market research and engage in public participation before embarking on any housing projects. Lastly, although low-income households need housing, prioritising them over other groups, such as middle-and upper-income groups, will encourage the latter groups to raid housing designated for low-income residents. This paper therefore recommends that housing institutions pursue mixed-income housing projects.

References

Abreu, A. (1994). Reconstruindo uma historia esquecida: Origem e expansao inicial das favelas do Rio. Espaco e Debates, 14(37), 34-46.

Boaden, B., & Karam, A. (2000). The informal housing market in three of Cape Town’s low-income settlements. Cape Metropolitan Council.

Croese, S., & Pitcher, M. A. (2019). Ordering power? The politics of state-led housing delivery under authoritarianism: The case of Luanda, Angola. Urban Studies, 56(2), 401-418.

Devas, N. (1989). Evolution of urban housing projects in Lesotho. Land Use Policy, 6(3), 203-216.

Garmany, J., & Burdick, J. (2021). An open secret: Public housing and downward raiding in Rio de Janeiro. Urban Studies, 58(13), 2798-2813.

Google Earth. (2022). Location of low-income housing in Linakotseng. https://earth.google.com/web/search/Linakotseng/@ 29.3625215,27.4441337,1532.05096998a,725.30565303d,35y, 0h,0t,0r/data=CiwiJgokCTgFPyBIw0ZAERkI3ACSOSxAGSx7_ dHOW2ZAId418e_-h2LAQgIIAToDCgEwQgIIAEoN CP___________wEQAA

Huchzermeyer, M. (2005). Housing subsidies and urban segregation: A reflection on the case of South Africa. In D. Varady (Ed.), Desegregating the city: Ghettos, enclaves and inequality (pp. 213-220). State University of New York Press.

Karam, A. (2008). Some observations on the informal subsidised housing market in Cape Town. SSB/TRP/MDM, 52, 38-44.

Lemanski, C. (2011). Moving up the ladder or stuck at the bottom? Homeownership as a solution to poverty in South Africa. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 35, 5777.

Lemanski, C. (2014). Hybrid gentrification in South Africa: Theorizing across southern and northern cities. Urban Studies, 51(14), 2943-2960.

Payne, G. (1996). Urban land tenure and property rights in developing countries: A review of the literature. Overseas Development Administration.

United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat). (2015). Lesotho housing profile. UN-Habitat.

Exploring the Relationship Between

Understanding City Competitiveness

Over the past three decades, cities and urban centres have

increasingly focused on the competitiveness of their economies, firms, and labour. This shift has been driven by globalisation, which has integrated world economies and created mutual dependence (Jovović, 2017). For cities to be active participants in the global economy, they must adapt to technological

advancements that enable interconnectivity and communication

among all actors (Porter, 2000). Furthermore, cities need

to reshape their urban spaces to accommodate a new labour force that is characterised by specialised skills, mobility needs, and demands for lifestyle and social amenities (Guaralda

et al., 2020). The World Economic Forum’s (2016) Global Competitiveness Report defines the competitiveness of cities as “the set of factors – policies, institutions, strategies, and processes – that determines the level of a city’s sustainable productivity”. Sustainability refers to a balance of economic,

social, and environmental issues, while productivity involves

utilising resources effectively to fuel economic development. According to Villamejor-Mendoza (2020), almost everything matters for competitiveness: schools, roads, financial markets, and citizens.

Furthermore, for all these factors to enhance competitiveness, there must be a change in mindset among people and in the culture, although improving competitiveness takes time. While competition is context-specific to a country or city, general factors influence competition across the spectrum (Momaya, 2016). According to Ferreira and Ratten (2017), the resource endowments of a city also influence competitiveness. These resource endowments are both tangible and intangible, including proximity to major economic points such as transportation routes, human capital, and knowledge in a region. The argument is that even if a city is geographically disconnected from other major cities, it can still be attractive and competitive based on its intangible assets, such as sound urban planning strategies and policies, as well as skills and knowledge. Baker et al. (2017) state that some of these factors that influence city competitiveness are beyond the control of the city government and, by nature, fall under the mandate of the national government. However, a city’s ability to be competitive

may be hindered by urban policies that fail to address land

management issues, a poor business environment, weak infrastructure, low labour skills, and inadequate governance.

Urban Planning as a Determinant of City Competitiveness

Urban planning and related spatial policies have become indispensable tools for cities to thrive in an increasingly competitive global landscape. The dynamic and transformative demands of the globalised economy have compelled cities to adopt strategic approaches to bolster their competitive edge. Consequently, urban planning and development have emerged as prominent frameworks for enhancing city competitiveness (Yigitcanlar & Bulu, 2015). Urban planning encompasses the strategic arrangement of land use, transport, infrastructure, and

public spaces to achieve sustainable and equitable development

in urban areas (Bibri et al., 2020). When coupled with spatial policies that guide the distribution of resources, investments, and economic activities across a region or city, urban planning can shape a city’s physical and economic landscape, which will influence its competitiveness and liveability (Todes & Turok, 2018).

Effective urban planning can enhance a city’s competitiveness by creating efficient and attractive urban environments. This includes fostering compact, mixed-use development that minimises commuting distances and promotes walkability, cycling, and public transport. By prioritising pedestrian-friendly streets, well-connected public spaces, and diverse mixed-use neighbourhoods, cities can attract more residents, businesses, and visitors (Buck et al., 2017).

Infrastructure development plays a vital role in enhancing city competitiveness. Investing in modern transport networks, reliable energy systems, and robust telecommunications infrastructure can connect businesses, facilitate movement, and support digital connectivity. Additionally, cities can enhance their attractiveness by investing in quality public amenities such as parks, cultural facilities, and educational institutions (Arimah, 2017). Moreover, in an ever-changing urban development landscape, cities ought to employ spatial policy approaches that aim to improve conditions by strengthening the city’s unique assets, knowledge, and human capital (Todes & Turok, 2018). However, for urban planning and spatial policies to be effective in enhancing competitiveness, they need to be supported by good urban governance. Good urban governance means “the sum of the many ways [that] individuals and institutions, public and private, plan and manage the common affairs of the city. It is a continuing process through which conflicting or diverse interests may be accommodated, and cooperative action can be taken” (Nissen, 2021). The convergence of all these urban governance actors can positively influence competitiveness (Parilla & Trujillo, 2018).

Location as a City Competitiveness Determinant

According to Ferreira and Ratten (2017), location is defined as a place or city with a distinct geographic space. However, the argument is that location determinants are not only geographic

but are also related to infrastructure provision and service

delivery. For example, in South Africa, Clover, one of the largest dairy product producers, had to close its biggest cheese factory in Lichtenburg, North West province. The reason for the closure was the municipality’s failure to provide basic infrastructure such as roads, electricity, and water for the firm’s production processes. The company stated in a media release that it incurred substantial financial losses due to constant disruptions

in water and electricity supply, as well as poor road conditions,

and would relocate to Durban, resulting in 300 job losses (Ginindza, 2017). The competitiveness of a location is also influenced by its autonomy or independence (Ferreira & Ratten, 2017). Mbaye and Gueye (2018) support this by suggesting that

cities must have diverse resources and competencies to provide

enterprises with a competitive advantage.

However, the competitive advantage of cities and locations presents a paradox. One would expect that location would be less critical in an increasingly globalised world with open international markets and the exchange of ideas and knowledge. Therefore, when economic activity occurs in a specific location, it is for a good reason (Snowdon & Stonehouse, 2006). Some of these reasons may include soft location factors that a city has to offer, such as attractive landscapes, recreational and shopping facilities, universities, and libraries. Location factors are essential for firms and individuals who wish to move to and remain in a city (Gremm et al., 2018). Gugler (2019), referring to Porter’s four interrelated components of competitiveness, states that location comprises both inherited and created factors. Inherited factors include natural resources specific to a place, while created factors encompass efficient infrastructure, such as communication, transport, and energy systems. Bam et al. (2020) note that location-related considerations also include natural advantages that involve geography and climate, as well as the cost of capital, which comprises physical capital, financial capital, and land costs.

Furthermore, the quality and reliability of infrastructure influence location decisions. Infrastructure affects competitiveness in two ways. Firstly, businesses rely on global access points such as airports, ports, and digital infrastructure to sell their goods and services in both domestic and international markets. Secondly, a city’s competitiveness also depends on its capacity to efficiently connect its people and physical assets to their optimal use (Parilla & Trujillo, 2018). This means that industries conform to pre-existing patterns of people and resources in their area.

For cities to attract firms, they need a development and beneficiation policy framework that accurately evaluates and addresses the location determinants that affect firms’ location decisions (Bam et al., 2020). Moreover, a city or municipality can utilise its resources to improve its standard of living and boost local competitiveness (Villamejor-Mendoza, 2020).

Human Capital and City Competitiveness

High levels of human capital give cities a competitive advantage. Education levels include primary, secondary, college, and higher education. Universities and colleges are the quintessential reservoirs of human capital (Debrah et al., 2018). Human capital is based on the endogenous growth theory that Paul Romer first advocated in the 1980s; it is defined as human skill sets and abilities. The term can be expanded to include labour, skills, talents, and knowledge as forms of productive wealth. This expertise is partially acquired through formal and informal education (Osiobe, 2019). According to Antonenko (2021,

p. 526), London, New York, Singapore, and San Francisco, which are the world’s most competitive cities, achieved their success through clear municipal policies that emphasise human capital, strategic investments, and technological development. This focus has made them global economic, social, and cultural centres that attract residents and businesses.

In order to attract investments and provide a safe environment for all, cities seeking expansion should prioritise human capital. According to Albach et al. (2018), for a city to enhance its performance, it must be willing to change, improve, and utilise new technologies. Moreover, the accumulation of knowledge drives sustainable long-term growth in cities (Jones, 2019). This explains why cities in developed countries grow faster than their poorer counterparts; cities are typically the custodians of innovation and technology (Chirwa & Odhiambo, 2018).

Cities are transitioning from dependence on natural resources to a knowledge-based economy. To meet current and future industry demands and achieve competitiveness and socio-economic development, cities need to align education and skills and establish frameworks and resources to facilitate knowledge creation (Gremm et al., 2018). The World Bank Institute’s knowledge economy framework provides essential pillars for knowledge creation, including education and skills, an economic and institutional regime, information and communication technology infrastructure, and an innovation system. Essentially, there must be long-term investment in

education, the modernisation of information infrastructure, a favourable economic climate that supports market transactions,

and the growth of innovative capacity (Mohamed et al., 2022; Phale et al., 2021).

In addition to a city developing its human capital, it

can also export skills from outside; this is achieved when a

city offers a good quality of life and diversity to attract and retain the brightest individuals to work and live there (Tejedo, 2008). This notion is supported by Royuela (2014, p. 927), who underlines that a city’s amenities and lifestyle options influence the location decisions of the highly skilled labour force.

Other scholars believe that for cities to harness human capital through innovation and knowledge, they must encourage cluster development. Clusters are vibrant ecosystems of interconnected businesses, universities, research institutions, and skilled individuals that act as engines for driving economic growth and societal progress. Nurturing and promoting these clusters are no longer optional; it has become a strategic imperative for cities seeking to thrive in today’s dynamic and disruptive landscape (Florida et al., 2018). To promote cluster development, cities must ensure that their educational systems meet industry demands. This arrangement facilitates a labour force with the critical knowledge and abilities required for these industries to thrive (Porter, 1998). Cities can improve labour force readiness and foster innovation by enabling partnerships between industry and educational institutions (Bathelt & Henn, 2014). According to Katz and Wagner (2014), curriculum modifications that consider industry demands also attract talent and investments, which boost city competitiveness and growth.

Gqeberha Urban Competitiveness Factors

This paper aimed to examine and explore the elements that

affect competitiveness in Gqeberha. It found that numerous

factors play a role in competitiveness, and that the unique

circumstances of each city shape its offerings. However, despite this diversity, common elements emerged that are evident in many cities around the globe. One such element is the strategic clustering of large enterprises and institutions in a designated geographic area, along with the concentration of economic activities, land utilisation, and population densities. This clustering promotes innovation, research and development, productivity, and economic advancement.

The research indicated that Gqeberha has a substantial development of clusters in the form of SEZs, which attract multinational corporations and foreign direct investment. These clusters are primarily manufacturing-oriented, and the city has yet to fully explore innovation-based clusters. Despite these investments, the socio-economic conditions of residents in Gqeberha remain poor, which highlights a gap between the advantages gained by companies and the welfare of the city’s citizens.

The geographical separation of SEZs from the rest of the metropolitan area, combined with insufficient integration of municipal services, job opportunities, and transport, intensifies this inequality. While corporations enjoy tax benefits and low labour costs, these advantages do not reach ordinary citizens, who remain trapped in poverty. Economic and social benefits are concentrated in the city centre, which leaves the surrounding areas underdeveloped and marginalised. This assessment underscores the need for increased efforts to transform Gqeberha into a more inclusive city. A city may have resources, but if those resources only serve a privileged

few rather than the broader population, it cannot be considered

genuinely prosperous. Gqeberha still faces significant challenges in reshaping its urban environment.

To tackle these challenges and encourage inclusive prosperity, Gqeberha requires urban transformation. This means that the city should become a central hub for addressing current urban issues. Initiatives must focus on incorporating the urban poor into the economic and social framework of the city to ensure that all residents benefit from its prosperity.

It was discovered that Gqeberha offers attractive tax incentives to lure investors, particularly in the SEZs. The city also has an efficient one-stop shop where investors can engage with various departments. However, Gqeberha is sluggish in granting land use applications, with the exception of building plans, which only take seven days. This suggests that Gqeberha should explore ways to accelerate the approval of land use applications to avoid losing potential investors and to accelerate development.

Strategic Location and Underutilisation of Assets

In assessing a city’s economic vitality, connectivity, and liveability, geographic and locational factors are essential. Leveraging unique geographic characteristics is vital for sustainable success and inclusive growth as cities compete for global recognition. Interviews and theoretical studies highlight that one of Gqeberha’s standout features is its status as the only metropolitan area in South Africa with two seaports: the Port of Gqeberha and the Port of Ngqura. These ports significantly enhance trade between South Africa and the rest

of the world; however, they fail to reach their full potential due

to infrastructure, operational, and management deficiencies. This poor utilisation of resources hampers the city’s urban development, which raises concerns given Gqeberha’s advantageous location and natural resources. In terms of international connectivity, the city is served by an airport. While this airport provides crucial links, substantial upgrades are necessary to align with international standards, which are essential for competitiveness.

Gqeberha offers various social amenities that enhance its competitive advantage, such as schools, recreational activities, shopping centres, and tourist sites. Nevertheless, ongoing challenges such as high crime rates and insufficient urban space diminish the city’s liveability. Economically disadvantaged individuals remain confined to informal settlements on the outskirts of the city. Addressing these issues, including housing backlogs and informal settlements, is vital for fostering inclusive and sustainable urban growth.

As the largest city in the Eastern Cape, Gqeberha experiences the impacts of rapid urban growth, which strains its physical infrastructure. The participants pointed out the urgent need to enhance the city’s outdated infrastructure, including power supply, water, roads, and sanitation systems. Furthermore, political instability has obstructed decision-making processes, which undermines the city’s sustainability and urban development initiatives. Achieving a stable environment would enable the city to operate at its best and enhance its overall potential. Although the city has inherent strengths, it is crucial to tackle challenges such as underutilised port facilities, insufficient infrastructure, and political instability to realise its full potential. By introducing targeted strategies and promoting political stability, Gqeberha can establish itself as a competitive and sustainable city on the global stage.

Human Capital Deficiencies

The main goal of this study was to explore the essential components of human capital that are vital for Gqeberha’s development as a competitive city. The research highlighted the crucial importance of investing in individuals for a city’s success. It specifically pointed out the link between education and urban advancement, suggesting that cities that emphasise education are better prepared to deal with the challenges of intense global competition. The findings revealed the significance of both tangible and intangible resources in boosting Gqeberha’s competitiveness. It was discovered that the proportion of individuals with higher education in the city is quite low, at only 8%. Meanwhile, 69% of the population

has completed only some primary education, while 25% have

finished secondary education (see Figure 3) (SACN, 2021). The city includes one public university alongside several further education and training colleges and private educational institutions (CoGTA, 2020). To address the skills gap, the city launched several workforce development initiatives, including internships, job shadowing, apprenticeships, graduate programmes, and community training initiatives (Mativenga et al., 2021).

Figure 3: Education Levels. Source: CoGTA (2020)

Furthermore, it has been discovered that Gqeberha, although it has a rich heritage exemplified by figures such as Nelson

Mandela and a favourable quality of life relative to other urban

areas, encounters difficulties in effective marketing. While it possesses noteworthy characteristics, including its connection to Mandela and a relatively high standard of living, the city faces challenges such as insufficient branding and global visibility. As a result, there is an urgent need for Gqeberha to strengthen its marketing strategies and enhance its visibility on the global stage.

The study also highlighted the cooperative relationship

between the city and its university, where the institution

engages in research to tackle urban issues and participates in discussions alongside private partners to address skill development requirements. Despite this partnership, the level of the university’s impact on city research remains unclear.

Nonetheless, the interdependent relationship between Gqeberha and the university is commendable, as universities play a crucial

role in boosting urban competitiveness through the sharing and acquisition of knowledge.

However, despite collaborative efforts involving the university, Gqeberha falls short in developing a knowledge-driven economy. This gap is particularly concerning given the city’s designation as Africa’s automotive hub, which hosts international car manufacturers. Research indicates a lack of education programmes tailored to specific industries and a dependency on importing skills, and highlights a low-skilled workforce due to poor education levels in the city. This discrepancy underscores the importance of higher education institutions aligning their programmes with industry needs to promote local skill advancement.

Additionally, the research revealed a deficiency in vocational and practical training programmes, as illustrated by a boat manufacturing company that had to rely on importing skills from Cape Town during busy production periods. This situation underscores a missed opportunity for Gqeberha to develop its workforce and facilitate knowledge sharing from prominent local enterprises. Clearly, the city’s initiatives to enhance the skills of its population are inadequate, which indicates the need for a reassessment of training strategies and closer collaboration with industry partners.

Investments in human capital are essential for a city such as Gqeberha to remain competitive. In addition to physical assets, intangible elements such as education, partnerships, and vocational training are crucial for influencing urban development paths. By addressing shortcomings in education, skill enhancement, and knowledge exchange, Gqeberha can strengthen its resilience against global competition and create a foundation for sustainable growth and success.

Urban Planning Challenges

Urban planning, which lays out guidelines for the development of cities and business operations, plays a crucial role in shaping urban environments. This research highlights urban planning as a comprehensive process that integrates governance, social well-being, economic growth, and environmental sustainability. A significant discovery is the lack of internal collaboration in Gqeberha’s urban governance framework. This indicates a

failure to cohesively institutionalise development initiatives in

the municipal administration. As a result, different departments do not share common goals and visions for their collaborative efforts on joint projects.

Considering these findings, it is apparent that successful urban planning extends beyond creating regulations; it involves promoting synergy among various administrative entities to achieve shared objectives. In Gqeberha’s situation, the lack of such collaboration limits the city’s capacity to enhance its competitive advantages and comprehensively tackle urgent urban issues. There is a distinct need for united efforts to improve collaboration and coordination in Gqeberha’s urban governance system. By nurturing a culture of cooperation and aligning objectives, the city can leverage its potential for sustainable development and competitiveness.

The research also uncovered an increasing demand for densification in Gqeberha, as evidenced by the high volume of rezoning applications the city receives. This reflects a trend towards transforming urban areas and intensifying land use. Nevertheless, the city struggles to address the challenges associated with densification due to insufficient physical infrastructure. Additionally, it was noted that Gqeberha relies on

an outdated Municipal Spatial Development Framework (MSDF)

that contains obsolete strategies.

These findings raise concerns since the MSDF is a critical instrument for guiding the city’s developmental direction and determining priority investment areas. It is essential for the city to update its MSDF to reflect current and future demands and aspirations. The findings indicate rising momentum towards densification in Gqeberha, yet several obstacles impede its effective realisation. By enhancing its physical infrastructure and revising its MSDF, the city can more effectively meet the demands for densification and guide its development in a sustainable and inclusive manner. This requires proactive initiatives to adapt to evolving urban dynamics and ensure that Gqeberha becomes a thriving and resilient urban hub.

The findings present both opportunities and challenges for Gqeberha’s growth and underscore the necessity for upgraded infrastructure and strategic planning. It is evident that proactive approaches are vital for navigating urban complexities and promoting sustainable development. By confronting these challenges directly and fostering a cooperative environment, Gqeberha can forge a path towards enhanced competitiveness.

Hard Infrastructure Improvement

According to Eide’s (2014) report for the World Economic Forum on the Competitiveness of Cities, urban planning is essential for providing hard infrastructure. Planners must be mindful of how they design cities, avoiding both overplanning and underplanning, which can lead to unpredictable, uneven growth. Balance between planning and organic growth is necessary. Additionally, cities should increase their spending on infrastructure to accommodate the demands of urbanisation.

Without this, cities may face obstacles to sustainable

growth, which can result in sprawl, congestion, pollution, and inadequate public services. However, cities must take a demand-driven approach to infrastructure projects that

respond to the needs of their local economies, rather than a

supply-side approach that overlooks demand. The successful implementation of these projects requires careful planning, budgeting, and financial support (Choe & Roberts, 2011).

Consistent Planning Policies and Strategic Spatial Planning

To thrive competitively, emerging cities must adopt a cohesive

approach to development that shapes both public and private

investment choices. Consistent planning policies are crucial for enhancing city competitiveness for several interconnected reasons. Firstly, such policies establish a stable framework for long-term investment and development, which fosters confidence among businesses and investors. When regulations and zoning laws remain consistent over time, companies can confidently make decisions about where to locate and how to expand, without fear of encountering sudden regulatory obstacles or changes in land use. This stability not only supports

local entrepreneurship but also attracts external investment,

which will ultimately drive economic growth and job creation (Kamana et al., 2023).

In addition, a transition needs to be made from conservative spatial planning, which is concerned with preserving order, to strategic spatial planning, which focuses more on addressing challenges and transformation. Furthermore, this approach marks a departure from conservative spatial planning that is project-oriented rather than goal-oriented. In essence, emerging cities need to adopt a strategy that effects change and sets meaningful strategic goals, rather than relying on the implementation of spatial projects that may be effective today but ineffective tomorrow (Albrechts, 2015).

Key to strategic spatial planning is the establishment of objectives and the formulation and implementation of strategies to meet those objectives. Cities should have a vision for the future, assuming that current trends will continue (Salet & Faludi, 2000). Public and private sector coordination, along with public participation, is fundamental to the successful implementation of a strategic spatial plan (Oliveira & Hersperger, 2018). Moreover, strategic spatial planning acknowledges that the challenges faced by cities cannot be tackled solely by local authorities, as some fall outside the scope of local government; intergovernmental coordination is therefore necessary (Royal Town Planning Institute, 2015).

Enhancing Human Capital and the Knowledge-Based Economy

Cities must acknowledge the growing influence of technologies such as artificial intelligence, big data, and robotics. Thompson and Curella (2021) emphasise the importance of adapting to these emerging trends. For developing cities, aligning processes with factors outlined in the knowledge economy concept, such as skills development, global competitiveness, and entrepreneurship, is essential (Amo et al., 2017). The

initial step for these cities is to formulate appropriate policies and strategies. Although specifics may vary, the World Bank’s Knowledge Economy Index suggests focusing on themes such as

education, economic incentives, institutional frameworks, and

information and communications technology infrastructure.

Additionally, cities should consider factors such as research and

development, vocational training, government accountability, quality education, and investment in innovation and technology as enhancing measures towards their goals (Asongu & Odhiambo, 2020).

The next crucial stage in improving their knowledge economy involves developing partnerships among various stakeholders. These stakeholders include the city government, businesses, research institutions, emerging entrepreneurs, creative individuals, innovators, and residents. Such partnerships serve as platforms for mutual learning and knowledge exchange, and facilitating the pooling of resources for collective advancement (Praharaj et al., 2018).

Suitable Locations for Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Development

The geographical positioning of SEZs plays a crucial role in ensuring broader inclusivity and maximising their positive impact on local economies and communities. A comprehensive

approach to SEZ development must therefore incorporate

considerations of both regulatory frameworks and spatial planning to foster holistic socio-economic growth that gives a city a competitive edge (Ahmed et al., 2020; Frick et al., 2019). The locations of SEZs in emerging cities should therefore

be orchestrated to serve the collective interests of various

stakeholders, including governmental bodies, investors, local enterprises, residents, and workers. The primary objective should be to address pressing socio-economic challenges such as unemployment and poverty. By situating SEZs strategically, cities can harness their potential to stimulate job creation,

enhance economic opportunities, and alleviate poverty

(Ali, 2020).

Cities and national governments need to undertake comprehensive feasibility studies in areas where SEZs are to be located in order to determine the most suitable sites that are connected optimally and have the potential to transform a specific area from rural to urban. Furthermore, the choice of location for an SEZ should consider the potential for developing other land uses around it, such as commercial or residential (Janjua et al., 2017).

An Entrepreneurial City Approach to Urban Governance

Both theory and practice demonstrate that, for a city to be competitive and attract investment, an entrepreneurial approach

to city governance is essential. This approach advocates treating city governance like a business, with the government acting as an entrepreneur to market the city and foster its growth. This involves ensuring fiscal stability and access to financial markets to attract investment and boost investor confidence (Lauermann, 2018).

At the core of this governance approach lies the

establishment of public-private partnerships for local

governments to secure external funding, create employment opportunities, and attract new direct investment (Delmon, 2017). Olson et al. (2020) refer to these local government initiatives as “entrepreneurial governance”, wherein opportunities are identified and assessed, resources are gathered and utilised, and opportunities are exploited.

Furthermore, this city governance model emphasises the creation of institutions or municipal entities that are tasked with revenue collection and public service delivery on behalf

of the municipality. These entities operate independently from the municipality and mitigate the bureaucratic constraints faced by public entities by adopting private sector delivery models. Although these entities maintain public accountability and transparency, they do not represent full-scale privatisation. In

addition to revenue collection, these entities are responsible

for generating job opportunities across various skill levels (Mabalane, 2019).

Safe Environments

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2005) highlights various factors that contribute to urban crime. Key among these are unregulated urban growth, large income disparities, and inadequate governance. To tackle these issues, cities, particularly those in developing nations that are undergoing rapid urbanisation, need to establish robust regulatory frameworks and enforcement mechanisms. It is essential that these efforts involve active engagement with local communities. Additionally, prioritising socio-economic inclusion is crucial. This means integrating crime prevention strategies into a range of social and economic policies and programmes, including those that address employment, education, healthcare, housing, and urban planning. By doing so, cities can work towards creating safer and more inclusive urban environments.

Urban planning approaches in developing cities must

be re-evaluated to ensure the establishment of safe urban

spaces. For example, mixed land uses should be encouraged in city development, as well as strengthened pedestrian traffic movement. This strategy not only increases the vibrancy of urban areas but also reduces the need for long commutes, which can contribute to safety by decreasing congestion and potential areas for criminal activity. Street layout design should

deter criminals, which involves careful consideration of factors

such as visibility, access points, and lighting to minimise opportunities for crime, while ensuring that housing density

standards provide adequate space for community facilities,

natural light, ventilation, and open spaces for residents (Al-Ghiyadh & Al-Khafaji, 2021).

Political Stability

Grøn and Salomonsen (2019) contend that a city’s reputation can be adversely affected by political instability. Consequently, it is crucial to proactively address potential conflicts between administrative and political entities. Public managers should also be mindful of their organisations’ historical reputation, as this could impede their ability to coordinate an effective and unified response when faced with threats to the organisations’ image. Furthermore, effectively managing the discord between

politics and administration in Gqeberha is essential to uphold

a positive public image and foster collaboration among all stakeholders.

Sustainable Human Livelihoods in Stjwetla, Alexandra

Livelihoods consist of capabilities, activities, and assets that are necessary for a person to live life to the fullest (Chambers

& Conway, 1992). Maintaining one’s livelihood includes various

aspects such as adequate nutrition and diet, access to quality

education for children, job opportunities, and income sources. By asking questions, the researcher gained insight into the socio-economic profile of the participants and confirmed that individuals do not have enough to ensure good livelihoods. Of the 30 respondents, 14 reported being unemployed, while 16 were employed, either through self-employment or formal employment.

Regarding the types of income, most residents depend on Child Support Grants and Old Age Grants, with some supplementing their income through street vending, spaza shops, domestic work, nanny services, retail and factory work, gardening, and scavenging. With such limited prospects for adequate and stable salaries, especially during the current economic recession and increased unemployment, many participants stated that providing for basic needs is challenging. Without stable income sources, families struggle to improve their living conditions. The expenses of these households are predominantly managed by individuals, particularly women with a low level of education or no education at all. To cope with such insecure living circumstances and low wages, they are forced into means of subsistence that are often “dangerous, antisocial, and unlawful, including theft, prostitution, drug trafficking, and child labour” (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2005). For many, the prospect of achieving a decent standard of living remains nothing more than a fantasy.

Most of the interviewed participants had received some form of education, including primary (four), secondary (six), and Grade 12 (10), but none had completed higher education. The other 10 had no form of schooling at all. Most of the participants were illiterate or had only elementary schooling. Being illiterate restricts access to better salaries and stable jobs that could sustain their livelihoods. The lack of access to services has also deprived many residents in this area of their right to education. Women, in particular, are compelled daily to deal with financial pressures on their own, such as collecting water, harvesting wood, managing household duties, and providing protection to the household; among other livelihood concerns. As a result, they often do not have enough time to focus on improving their lives. Children are also vulnerable to not completing their schooling. Disruptive factors, such as living in overcrowded households and lacking space for homework, have been identified as significant causes that discourage many children from receiving an education. Children tend to share beds, which leads to conflicts when it is time to go to bed. The need for children to share bedrooms and go to sleep at

various hours contributes to sleeplessness, which in turn leads to poor concentration in school and unsatisfactory classroom

performance. Furthermore, growing tension between siblings can lead to behavioural management issues in schools. Children who live with working parents are required to perform domestic duties at home, such as washing, heating, collecting water, and a host of other chores. These responsibilities interfere with their education. The slum conditions in Alexandra impede children’s growth into qualified professionals. These barriers are also perceived as restricting factors for securing schooling and higher-paying jobs. What is evident here is the persistent expression of generational poverty.

Apart from income and education, access to basic services such as housing, water, sanitation, waste collection, electricity, and other civic amenities contributes to sustainable livelihoods. The lack of access to these basic services has dire impacts on individual livelihoods, as it prevents the attainment of better capabilities. The results from the interviews and observations confirm that Stjwetla is another case of an informal settlement with limited basic service delivery. The settlement has restricted access to housing, piped water, sanitation, waste collection, and other civic amenities. Having little or no access to basic services amounts to poverty. Poverty is characterised not only by a lack of wages but also by a lack of basic facilities and social services (Sheuya, 2004). In fact, basic infrastructure is the most critical need for human livelihoods. Housing with the necessary services and infrastructure is important for encouraging economic growth, enhancing people’s quality of life, reducing poverty, and promoting social sustainability and sustainable human settlements.

Housing serves a variety of purposes, including family life, security, safety, leisure, and cognitive self-fulfilment, which captures the essence of human dignity and facilitates sustainable livelihoods. It also provides tolerance to climate and a refuge from the troubles of the outside world (Tsenkova, 2009; Smit & Musango, 2015). Housing equipped with essential basic

services such as clean water, sanitation, and electricity increases

the physical well-being of vulnerable individuals, allows for privacy, enhances social ties, and improves social standing within the local community (Pynoos, 1973). Housing not only

serves as shelter for human life but also as the foundation for

economic growth, without which households would struggle to survive. For many individuals, homes are places of work that

provide spaces that can be used to start small businesses (De

Wet, 1994); for others, they serve as sources of employment. Individuals use their houses to generate income, by engaging in income-generating activities such as informal trading enterprises, including shops, workshops, and even nursery schools. The housing crisis, caused by a severe scarcity of homes, lies at the heart of the problems faced by Stjwetla’s informal settlements. The components of a decent home, as listed above, are what the residents of Stjwetla are missing.

Figure 3: Living Conditions in Stjwetla. Source: Authors’

construct (2020)

The majority of housing in Stjwetla is constructed from pieces of polystyrene foam, sheets of corrugated iron, cardboard, wooden planks, and plastic sheeting salvaged after fires. These housing

structures are associated with various indoor environmental

problems, including limited space for sleeping, bathing, sitting, and storing food and clothing, as well as a lack of windows for ventilation and no cooling or heating systems. In addition to these internal issues, there are external challenges such as flooding, fires, and narrow, polluted alleyways. Floods and fires

are particularly traumatising for residents, causing not only

physical harm but also mental health issues due to displacement, loss of property, despair, increased risk of infectious diseases

such as cholera, and loss of livelihoods. Although people have access to water from communal taps, there are still coverage issues. The available communal taps are insufficient to serve the entire informal settlement, and the system design cannot meet supply capacity due to the increased demand for water. Stjwetla,

like most informal settlements, is characterised by solid waste

scattered throughout the area. Limited waste collection services in Stjwetla result in waste accumulation in and around the

informal settlement, which causes pollution and the spread of disease vectors such as pests, infected vermin, and rodents,

which deteriorate the hygiene of the slum. Although there is no formal sewerage system in the settlement, the municipality

has provided a number of plastic buckets and communal toilets

that are emptied weekly. Buckets and chemical toilets have numerous issues, including uncleanliness, poor maintenance, and being disease spreaders, as well as being difficult to access, particularly at night. In the informal settlement, faulty electrical connections increase the risk of fire and the loss of property and lives. In terms of well-being, the neighbourhood suffers from alcohol abuse, rape, drug abuse, criminality, and extreme poverty. The participants reported experiencing crime

in their everyday lives, which includes house robbery, theft of

all sorts, purse snatching, pickpocketing, as well as domestic assault and rape. All the aforementioned issues hinder the long-term development of the informal settlement and prevent sustainable livelihoods for all individuals living in Stjwetla. It is

thus important to ensure that no compromises are made when

delivering basic services.

Sustainable Development in Stjwetla, Alexandra

Sustainable development is defined as “development that meets the needs of the current population without compromising future generations’ ability to meet their own needs” (World Commission for Environment and Development, 1987). It encompasses economic, social, and environmental development.

This analysis focuses on the concept of sustainable human

settlement, specifically regarding the informal settlement of Stjwetla in Alexandra.

Upon examining the notion of sustainable livelihoods, it became evident that the informal settlement suffers from poor economic development. Many individuals are unemployed, and those who are employed struggle to afford healthy livelihoods. Having established the economic challenges of sustainable development, this section focuses on the social and environmental aspects.

Observations reveal the extent of environmental issues in the informal settlement, particularly along the peripheral area by the riverside in Stjwetla. The continued expansion of the informal settlement has led to deforestation and erosion along the entire settlement and riverbanks. Deforestation and soil erosion are inextricably linked. When trees are destroyed to create space for human settlement, tree cover is compromised, the soil loosens, and land becomes barren and erodes. When the top, nutrient-rich soil is eroded and only the hardened surface remains, the land becomes unproductive and unsuitable for cultivation. Additionally, deforestation and soil erosion have devastating consequences, such as biodiversity loss. Unsafe human practices, such as inadequate sanitation, poor drainage, and insufficient waste disposal, pollute the soil, rivers, and air in informal settlements. The lack of waste collection, defecating in waterways, greywater discharge, illegal dumping, and sewage spills have resulted in the pollution of the Jukskei River. Evidence of this includes the changing colour of the river, algal blooms, and a foul smell. The continued combustion of fossil fuels such as wood, paraffin, and coal, along with the unpleasant odour of uncollected waste, has led to air pollution in informal settlements. The lack of green spaces and constraints on addressing pollution and improving air quality exacerbate the problem of air pollution (Givoni, 1991). Contaminants from illegally disposed trash, as well as inadequate sanitation and inefficient sewage and waste disposal systems, pollute the air, degrade soil quality, and contaminate the water in informal settlements. These issues not only contribute to

the vulnerability of the natural environment (environmental

degradation) but also affect the state of the environment that humans inhabit.

The goal of social development is to improve the wellbeing of all individuals in society so that they can reach their full potential (Rogers et al., 2012). Living without access to basic services, coupled with increasing environmental degradation, subjects individuals to mental health problems. The lack of access to a stable income subjects the individuals of Stjwetla to poverty and prevents the attainment of capabilities. Capabilities are described as a person’s and a community’s ability to cope with or recover from adversities and function during tough times (Sen, 1993). The research participants who were not working attested to experiencing everyday stress and worrying about how they would provide for their family members. Others expressed understanding towards those who commit crimes to survive. The living conditions in Stjwetla, combined with the absence of income, can force individuals to commit crimes. Access to housing is crucial for achieving social development. Housing serves a variety of purposes, including family life, security, safety, leisure, cognitive self-fulfilment, which captures the essence of human dignity, facilitation of sustainable livelihoods, tolerance to climate, and a sanctuary from the troubles of the outside world (Tsenkova, 2009; Smit & Musango, 2015). Housing with necessary service provisions increases the physical well-being of vulnerable individuals, allows for privacy, enhances social ties, and improves social standing within the local community (Pynoos, 1973). Access to housing has been shown to improve people’s living conditions by providing individuals with a “sense of place and hope for marginalised groups, offering a vision and promise for the future”, thereby reviving communities (Tsenkova, 2009). The components of a decent home listed above are what the residents of Stjwetla are lacking.

All the aforementioned components are hindering the sustainable development of human settlements. In particular, the illegal nature of these settlements poses the greatest impediment to service delivery. The informal settlement is illegal, and therefore the physical characteristics of the land do not support development (Huchzermeyer, 2004). Furthermore, even if the inhabitants have the financial means to improve their houses, they are often unwilling to invest due to the increasing threat of eviction from local authorities and other regulatory bodies. This threat of eviction prevents the

development and maintenance of structures and infrastructure

in the informal settlement. As a result of living in constant fear of displacement, residents’ lives remain stagnant, as they cannot pursue improvements in their informal settlements.

Challenges and Solutions to Service Delivery (Community Perspective)

Municipal maladministration, mismanagement of funds,

corruption, and poor communication between municipal departments and residents were the most frequently mentioned

challenges to basic service delivery by the participants. The participants also felt that the government does not seem to care and continues to make empty promises in exchange for votes.

They have emphasised the importance of basic service delivery

in improving their lives and plan to continue pressuring the government to provide these services.

In response to possible interventions for the service delivery issue, 20 participants were adamant about the importance of the government providing Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) housing and supporting basic services to enhance their lives. Ten participants expressed a willingness to move to other areas if given the opportunity, while the rest were concerned about where they would be relocated and how the move would benefit them. Those willing to relocate were attracted by the prospect of accessing a larger plot of land, a house connected to basic services, better roads, public spaces, and a cleaner, safer, flood-free environment. Conversely, those reluctant to accept the relocation solution stated that they did not want to move because they were close to work opportunities, transport, and had established strong social ties and networks. They believed that moving would not guarantee an improvement in their lives. Those opposed to relocation suggested an alternative: re-blocking the settlement to accommodate better housing and services. Re-blocking involves changing the current layout of the informal settlement

to include basic infrastructure such as roads, drains, sewers,

water taps, electrical connections, and walkways, among others, in order to create a sustainable division of the plots (García-Villalba, 2014). In addition to enhancing the physical conditions and standard of living in these deprived communities, physical improvements will serve as a basis for other forms of growth, such as generating income, welfare, and community-based enterprises. In addressing the problem of high unemployment in the area, the participants suggested solutions that include improving infrastructure to attract businesses. Additionally, they proposed supporting informal sector enterprises to encourage people to develop and grow their businesses. Others emphasised the importance of providing training skills for the unemployed to make it easier for them to access jobs in the formal sector.

Challenges and Solutions to Service Delivery (Local Government Perspective)

The vulnerability of the land on which Stjwetla is located is a

key factor that prevents the provision of basic services to the

informal settlement. Ms Ayanda Ngcobo, a Senior Specialist Planner in the City of Johannesburg, identified several factors that hinder basic service delivery in Stjwetla. The settlement is situated on wetland and above electrical mainlines.

The compact, clustered nature of the informal settlement further complicates the provision of basic services, as there

is insufficient space to allocate services and infrastructure. Ngcobo (personal communication, October 25, 2020) stated: “The general unsafe conditions that people are living in this area make it difficult to justify investing in infrastructure in a place like Stjwetla; the area cannot even be upgraded to accommodate people formally.” Additionally, the increasing number of foreign nationals settling in Stjwetla has made it challenging for the government to assist everyone. Ngcobo

(personal communication, October 25, 2020) noted that while the municipality continues to relocate people and demolish

illegal structures, others are moving into the area at a rapid pace in hopes of being provided with RDP housing. This behaviour complicates efforts to remove the informal settlement entirely.

The structures that were recently erected are made of bricks and

mortar, which makes the demolition process difficult. The final challenge to providing service delivery is said to be the people themselves. People continue to clash with the government, accusing it of corruption and failing to provide basic services. In her response, Ngcobo (personal communication, October

25, 2020) stated that “people are unaware that there is a court

interdict preventing the city from planning or implementing anything in Old Alex before land restitution problems are resolved”. Ngcobo (personal communication, October 25,

2020) further noted that poor communication on their part has

impacted the community’s trust in them. It is therefore crucial

to ensure that proper communication exists between the people

and the government in the future. “Speaking with one voice will really assist in building trust and implementing projects timeously” (A. Ngcobo, personal communication, October 25, 2020). Instead of providing basic services, the only feasible and effective solution for improving Stjwetla is through relocation, followed by the rehabilitation of the stressed wetland (A. Ngcobo, personal communication, October 25, 2020). To achieve this, the government is said to be developing a comprehensive plan, which outlines a broad strategy for resolving various issues in Alexandra. In Stjwetla, the government is reportedly considering government-owned land in surrounding areas to accommodate its needs. Collaborating with different levels of government will facilitate the swift development of Alexandra.

There are also plans to redevelop old Alexandra into an urban

area featuring four-to five-storey buildings to accommodate more residents. Densifying Alexandra is one of the primary strategies aimed at addressing the housing crisis, along with upgrading the infrastructure. However, all this can occur only

after restitution issues are prioritised and resolved, before

redevelopment can commence.